Suchergebnisse

"August 1998." ; Shipping list no.: 98-0003-P. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. A-1 - A-17). ; Mode of access: Internet.

Existing IR studies have underlined how much International organizations' strategies have evolved. The most obvious transformation is the increase of networked forms of conflict management arrangements such as simultaneous peace operations, ad-hoc coalitions, joint programs or joint opinions. These forms of interventions, characterized by the co-involvement of several types of actors challenge both realistic views of third parties' cooperation in conflicts and methodological approaches of this phenomenon. In this paper, I propose to use the new Database on Inter-Organizational Relations in Conflicts (DIORc) in order to compare, with a social network perspective, the interplay between inter-governmental organizations in two conflicts. The aim of the paper is twofold: first, the network perspective is used to open the black box of multipartite intervention. Cooperation is designed as an affiliation network where 'actors' represent the IGO's institutions (parliaments.) and 'events' are conflict management activities in which actors are involved. Secondly, this paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of cooperation in peace and conflicts. The contemporary conflict management doctrine is based on a comprehensive approach that includes two aspects: First, all the dimensions of a conflict should be addressed and second, institutional overlapping should be avoided through the division of labor between conflict managers. However, analysis of the level of coordination temper the comprehensive argument, suggesting that collaborative advantage rather linked to legitimacy than efficiency. Second, following Putman (2000)'s distinction between 'bridging' and 'bonding', this paper shows that transorganizational actions occur more frequently between homogeneous groups of institutions than across divers groups.

There is no organization without conflict situations. It is known that 80% of conflict situations occur independently of human will. Its causes are people's individual characteristics, as well as structure of the organization, conditioned by the culture established in the organization. How correctly organizational management analyzes the causes of conflicts, managing stress, diagnostic of the conflict and its management are reflected on the psychological climate of the organization. The psychological climate is directly related to the labor productivity of each member of the organization and the whole organization itself. On the background of strenuous labor relations, the potential of the organization members is spent on the settlement of the conflict environment and it takes a large part of their time budget. Proper use of time resources affects labor productivity. The Human Resources Management Laboratory which is functioning at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University has already conducted a research in this regard. Due to the actuality of the issue, the laboratory aimed to conduct a further research about conflict situations in the organization. The research was focused on the Faculty of Economics and Business of Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. 458 respondents were interviewed including Bachelor's and Master's Degree Students, Professors and Administration Representatives. The questionnaire included 36 questions and 133 options of response. As a result of the research,frequency of conflict situations in the organization was established, the active link of conflict situations. The reasons for the involvement of the collective team members into the conflict have been identified. The attitude of respondents of different categories was interesting in terms of resolving conflict situations. Conflict situations combined with the rest of the stages include the analysis of the causes. Different categories of respondents differently understand the importance of analyzing the causes of conflicts. The study finally made many interesting problems clear. The results obtained were processed by the SPSS program. We have formulated the hypothesis, studied the influence of the status and the gender of a respondent (bachelor, master, professor, and representative of the administration) on up to 15 variables. Trends were revealed through the tables developed on dispersion analysis. The conclusions made on the basis of the analysis of the survey results gave us the opportunity to make recommendations for the recovering and systemic improvement of the established values in the organization. The planned events will help the collective to undergo 3 stages of self-organization, meet the needs of the members, which will improve the psychological situation in the collective. It will facilitate each member's involvement in order to protect the organization's prestige and traditions. It is interesting to note that the majority of respondents are loyal to the university, which confirms the true fact that Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University is number one university in the country as well as in the region, is being developed and is constantly maintaining the championship and is trying to improve the conditions of the collective members.

Metadata only record ; Research on community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) has paid little attention to key assumptions it uses in the analysis of conflict and conflict management. The concepts of pacifism, egalitarianism, communalism, secularism, and rationalism are built into the community-based approach to natural resource management and are often treated as universal principles. In this paper, we examine differences in cultural perspectives on these assumptions. We also invite researchers to ground their practice of conflict management in the different social and cultural settings they encounter. Through the use of a conversational style of presentation and reference to cases presented in this volume, we attempt to bring the reader closer to oral forms of community-based politics, learning, and teaching, as an alternative approach to resolving differences in perspectives on the meaning of conflict and conflict management.

This article proposes rethinking democratic conflict management by acknowledging the increasingly important role policy plays in it. As the debate on the health of democracy intensifies, research on how democracies manage and absorb political and societal conflicts becomes broadly relevant. Existing theories and perspectives view conflict management through the lens of elections and other institutional mechanisms, or they examine the social and economic preconditions for successful conflict management while inadequately understanding how policies contribute to conflict management. The article develops a theoretical framework that allows for the analysis of how policies' material and interpretive effects influence societal conflicts and thereby strengthen (or weaken) democracy. While the article focuses on hypothesis-generation rather than hypothesis-testing, it draws on a large variety of policy and case examples to corroborate and illustrate the theoretical expectations embodied in the framework. Insights into policy's role in democratic conflict management expand our understanding of the challenges to democracy in the twenty-first century and create new possibilities for comparative, policy-focused research into what makes democracy work.

Conflicts are inimical to societal growth and development if not properly managed. They affect the socio-political stability and cohesion of various federating units, especially in a multi-ethnic society like Nigeria. A number of strategies are often put in place to manage the outbreak of conflicts but these most often than not tend to escalate conflicts. Examples of these strategies include military and police interventions, curfews and trade-offs. But there are other approaches which are both subtle and efficient that can be employed for conflict management and transformation. One of such is by making use of theatre forms. Though theatre is basically used for entertainment, it is also an art form and an education tool. It possesses features which make it pertinent to conflict management. It can be used to enlighten about conflict and to stimulate change; as well as to mobilise cultural resources in a conflict situation more than other conflict management and peacebuilding efforts. This paper therefore submits that theatre art forms are relevant to conflict management and transformation and should be integrated into more formal conflict management strategies in Nigeria specifically and Africa at large.

Metadata only record ; The primary purpose of this paper is to propose an alternative land conflict management method for rural Ghana. The paper adopts the country's legislative and judicial decentralization programs as a framework for integrating aspects of the existing conflict management methods and skills of the national government and the country's ethnic groups. The paper argues that the continuing outbursts and protraction of land conflicts, particularly conflicts between host communities and migrant-farming groups, in Ghana demonstrate increasing ambiguities in the determination of land rights and the ineffectiveness of the existing land conflict management methods in the country. --WD

Conflicts that occur will cause two consequences: conflicts that can be profitable and conflicts that can harm public organizations. Therefore, in the Local Government of Barru Regency, conflict management is needed to overcome everything. The purpose of the research is to determine the level of conflict management and performance of the Regional Government of Barru Regency employees, using quantitative research methods. In this study, there were 97 respondents. Data collection used include questionnaires, interviews, and documentation. The present study applied product-moment correlation analysis using SPSS software. The results of the study showed that the indicators used in each variable showed conflict management conducted in the Barru District Government obtained a result of 77.86 percent with a good category, for the performance level of employees obtained a result of 79.78 percent with a good category.

This project has received funding from the European Union's HORIZON 2020 Research programme under the Grant Agreement no. 742705.

Conflict in the Arctic is nothing new, and Svalbard is a geographical confluence of factors that create the potential for inter-group violence. The purpose of this paper is to explore those factors, identifying approaches to the evaluation of their associated risk. The emphasis is on biomarine resources, which at present constitute the most likely focus for escalating disputes. Contributory factors, including the catalytic effects of climate change, will also be considered. Given the political progress that has been achieved recently, the most likely situation for an intense interstate conflict in the short term is one that spreads tothe Arctic, rather than one igniting within it. However, as the century progresses, dormant problems relating to the Svalbard archipelago will combine with environmental, economic and political trends to exacerbate conflict risk. Traditionally, armed conflict has been viewed as a phenomenon that cannot be predicted. This view is identified as dangerously misleading. Using a risk based approach and noting advances in analytical techniques, representative scenarios in which conflict may occur are examined and prospective methods of risk management identified.

Dr. Nikolas Emmanuel's examines the use of an incentives approach in managing intrastate conflict in Africa because in many cases, risks and costs make applications of hard power alone unfeasible. Furthermore, simply ignoring episodes of civil conflict in the hope that they will "burn themselves out"� does not appear to be a viable alternative. That said, both noncoercive and coercive incentive strategies exist and have been deployed by third parties in a variety of conflict situations. Such incentives seek to manage conflict by encouraging political bargaining. The clear intention of this approach is to shift the behavior of targeted actors away from violence and towards more peaceful interaction. Indeed, such incentives offer a good deal of underexplored opportunities to help manage discord. This research has two primary objectives. First, it furthers the discussion of how external third parties can help manage conflicts. Second, it offers a typology of the available incentive strategies, classifying them along noncoercive and coercive lines. Thus, the article outlines the possibilities offered by an incentives approach, focusing on examples drawn from recent African cases.

Fragmentation, institutional overlaps, and norm collisions are often seen as fundamental problems for the global (legal) order. Supposedly, they incite conflict and disorder. However, some scholars have also emphasised functional and normative advantages of the resulting institutional pluralism. We argue that the consequences of the increasing international institutional density are conditional on whether and how different norms, institutions, and authorities are coordinated. In distinction from the fragmentation framework in international law and the regime complexity framework in international relations, this introduction outlines an interface conflict framework that enables important insights into this question and guides the contributions assembled in this issue. It zooms in on the micro-level of conflict between actors that justify incompatible positional differences with reference to different international norms. In particular, the concept of interface conflicts allows studying the conditions under which overlaps and norm collisions become activated in conflicts as well as the ways in which such conflicts are handled. Foreshadowing the main findings of the contributions to this Special Issue, we hold that interface conflicts are neither inevitable nor unmanageable. Most importantly, it seems that, more often than not, conflicts stimulate cooperative forms of management and contribute to the building of inter-institutional order.

Im Gegensatz zu Südosteuropa vermeidet die EU umfassendes Engagement in den eingefrorenen Konflikten der östlichen Nachbarschaft und beschränkt sich weitgehend auf eine unterstützende Rolle. Allerdings ist die EU, nicht zuletzt durch den Abschluss des Assoziierungsabkommens mit drei Staaten, zu einem führenden governance-Anbieter in der östlichen Nachbarschaft avanciert. Die vorliegende Arbeit diskutiert die Frage, wie sich EU governance in bestimmten Politikfeldern der Republik Moldau auf die Konfliktlösungskapazitäten der EU auswirkt. Dazu werden vier Dimensionen erarbeitet (Verhandlungsposition, politisches Management, innenpolitische Strukturen und geopolitischer Kontext), von denen die Konfliktlösungskapazität abhängig ist. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass der ENP Aktionsplan und die Assoziierungsagenda die Verhandlungsposition gegenüber Kischinau, wichtiger noch, der Transnistrischen Führung, schrittweise verbessert haben. Folgerichtig bildet die Anwendung des Freihandelsabkommens (DCFTA) auf dem gesamten Territorium der Republik Moldau (Transnistrien miteinbezogen) seit Januar 2016 ein Beispiel dafür, wie EU governance durch Externalisierung die innenpolitischen Strukturen in Transnistrien beeinflusst. Allerdings bleibt die positive Auswirkung auf die Konfliktlösung weitgehend unklar. Während EU governance zur Erweiterung von Konfliktlösungskapazitäten beigetragen hat, bleiben substantielle Fragen in Bezug auf den rechtlichen Status der abtrünnigen Region unbeeinflusst. Anstatt als sein legitimer und unbeeinflusster Konfliktmanager zu gelten, unterstützt diese Arbeit die Auffassung, dass das EU-Engagement eher zu einer Verfestigung anstatt einer Aufweichung der Konfliktlinien führt. ; In contrast to Southeast Europe, the EU avoids comprehensive engagement in the protracted conflicts of the Eastern neighbourhood and largely limits its role to facilitation. However, at the latest since the conclusion of the Association Agreement with three countries of the Eastern neighbourhood in 2014, the EU has advanced to a leading governance provider. The paper, at hand, addresses the question of how EU governance, in certain policy areas of Moldovan politics, affects the EUs conflict management capabilities. To do so, it elaborates four dimensions (bargaining power, political management, domestic structures and geopolitical context) on which conflict management capabilities are dependent. The paper argues that the ENP Action Plan and the association agenda have gradually increased bargaining power vis-à-vis Chisinau and, more important, the Transnistrian authorities. Consequently, the implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) on the territory of Moldova (including Transnistria) starting from January 2016 exemplifies how governance by externalization impacts domestic structures in Transnistria. However, whether this translates into conflict settlement remains ambiguous. While EU governance contributed to the enhancement of conflict management capabilities, substantial issues related to the legal status of the breakaway region remained untouched. Instead of being seen as a legitimate and unbiased conflict manager, the findings of the paper support the notion that the EUs engagement contributes to enforcement rather than mitigation of conflict cleavages. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2016 ; (VLID)1255844

The study utilized a correlational, quantitative design where nurse managers and staff nurses were made to answer an adapted questionnaire. The study used complete enumeration with inclusion and exclusion criteria. The study was conducted in Talisay District Hospital to assess the styles on leadership, management and conflict management and their correlation. Findings revealed that the most common leadership style is democratic while for management style is the mixed or the transitional style and collaborating for conflict management style. Authoritative leaders utilized the mixed or transitional management style and the collaborating conflict managing style. Democratic leaders utilized the mixed or transitional management style and the collaborating conflict management style. Laissez-faire leaders utilized the mixed or transitional management style and the collaborating conflict management style. A pattern can be seen that, in all types of leadership, be it authoritative, democratic or laissez-faire, the mixed or transitional management style is common. Further, the most common conflict management utilized is the collaborating style. Thus, it can be inferred that different leaders utilize a mixed or transitional management style and that when they are in conflict, they manage them through the collaborative conflict management style. There was no noteworthy relationship between the styles on conflict management and leadership styles, amongst styles on conflict management and management and lastly, amongst styles on leadership and management.

The focus of this paper is to examine the conflicts management mechanisms in the present-day Nigeria, their impacts for resolving conflicts and good governance in the country. The paper adopts content analysis methods using secondary source of information from newspapers, books, journals and internet materials to discuss the major conflict issues in Nigeria. Literature on the subject matter were reviewed to analyze the issues on conflict management mechanisms in the country. This work was anchored by structural conflict theory as the theoretical framework due to its importance on conflict management. Findings revealed that the conflict management mechanism in contemporary Nigeria is at a low ebb in resolving the conflicts in the country. The paper observed that the conflicts management mechanisms in contemporary Nigeria are ineffective due to the bad leadership, corruption; ethno-religious factors, undemocratic practices, poor security system, and non-adherence to the tenets of the rule of law. As a consequence, peace, development and stability have been negatively affected resulting in backwardness in growth and development in Nigeria. The study recommends that good governance must be put in place to repair the entire systems and/or institutions in the country to ensure effective management of the conflicts in the country. KEYWORDS: Conflict, Conflict Management, Development, Good Governance, Good security