Suchergebnisse

MANY OF THE NEOLIBERALS, INCLUDING TWO OF THE MOST PROMINENT, PAUL TSONGAS AND BILL BRADLEY, ARE FORMER REPUBLICANS. OTHERS, SUCH AS TIMOTHY WIRTH, A RISING STAR IN THE HOUSE, REPRESENT TRADITIONALLY REPUBLICAN DISTRICTS. STILL OTHERS, SUCH AS REP. RICHARD GEPHARDT OF MISSOURI, WHO HAS BEEN CLOSE TO DAVID STOCKMAN, AND SEN. GARY HART, OF HIS ARE IN MANY WAYS INDISTINGUISHABLE FROM THEIR HIGHTECH COLLEAGUES ACROSS THE AISLE. TSONGES GAVE THE GAME AWAY WHEN HE ADMITTED TO A REPORTER THAT THE GREATEST DANGER TO THE DEMOCRATS IS A RATIONAL RONALD REAGAN

Zusammenstellung verschiedener Beiträge zur Situation in der RSA: Untersuchung der Hintergründe der gegenwärtigen Unruhen und Vorstellungen von Teilen der Regierung, Wirtschaftsvertretern u.a. über die Entwicklung einer neuen Staatsform, der 'Föderation von Südafrika' (Verfasser: Reinhard Brückner); Dokumente zum Konzept des ANC zur Beseitigung des Apartheidsregimes; Überblick über die wichtigsten Aktionen gegen die südafrikanische Regierung in den USA und Westeuropa seit 1984 (Desinvestmentkampagne, Boykottaktionen). (DÜI-Fwr)

Seit dem Überfall auf eine ANC-Basis in Gaborone stehen die RSA und Botswana an einem Scheideweg, der über ihre zukünftigen Beziehungen entscheidet. Bereits stärkere Anlehnung Botsuanas an den Osten in den letzten Jahren. Desgleichen zunehmende Beherbergung von ANC-Mitgliedern. Eigentliche Ursache der Differenzen sind vor allem unterschiedliche Ansichten über die destabilisierenden Faktoren im südlichen Afrika. Für Botsuana ist dies die Apartheidspolitik, für die RSA der Einfluß der Sowjetunion und Rotchinas in der Region. (DÜI-Hlb)

THIS ARTICLE WILL REVIEW BRIEFLY THE CONDITIONS AND PROBLEMS THAT LED TO REFORM AND THE REFORM ITSELF, BUT WILL CONCENTRATE ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE PERFORMANCE OF THE SYSTEM SINCE 1974. THIS WILL SHOW THAT MAJOR "CONSTITUTIONAL", TECHNICAL, AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS REMAIN WHICH HAVE ALLOWED RELATIVELY FEW IMPROVEMENTS IN CONGRESSIONAL BUDGETING TO BE MADE.

THIS STUDY DEMONSTRATES THAT THERE IS A PRONOUNCED PROINCUMBENT RESPONSE BIAS TO THE REPORTED HOUSE VOTE IN THE 1978 AND 1980 NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES. THE MAGNITUDE OF THE BIAS RANGES FROM APPROXIMATELY 7 PERCENTAGE POINTS IN 1980 TO 14 PERCENTAGE POINTS IN 1978. ONLY A SMALL PORTION OF THE BIAS, LESS THAN 3 POINTS, IS ATTRIBUTABLE TO THE PARTICULAR SAMPLE OF CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS. THE AUTHORS SHOW THAT THE MAJOR SOURCE OF BIAS IS THE SURVEY INSTRUMENT ITSELF. IN THE SURVEY A NUMBER OF QUESTIONS BEFORE THE VOTE QUESTION FOCUS THE ATTENTION OF THE RESPONDENT ON THE NAME AND ACTIVITIES OF THE INCUMBENT. CONSEQUENTLY, THE SURVEY INSTRUMENT INFLUENCES RESPONDENTS WHO HAVE LITTLE INFOMATION AND WHO ARE SUSCETIBLE TO PROMPTING EFFECTS TO IDENTIFY THE INCUMBENT AS THE PERSON FOR WHO THEY VOTED. THIS MEANS THAT STUDIES USING THE 1978 OF 1980 SURVEYS RUN THE RISK OF INCORPORATING THE BIAS INTO THEIR FINDINGS. THE NONRANDOM NATURE OF THE BIAS SUGGESTS THAT THE IMPACT OF INCUMBENCY IN DETERMINING THE OUTCOME OF CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS HAS BEEN OVERESTIMATED.

THE PLURALIST-IDEOLOGIST DEBATE OVER THE MOST APPROPRIATE INTERPRETATION OF CONGRESSIONAL VOTING PATTERNS IS ANALYZED IN THIS PAPER. TWO DISTINCT CONCEPTS ORGANIZE THAT DEBATE, ALIGNMENT CONSISTENCY AND IDEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE, BOTH OF WHICH ARE OPERATIONALIZED AND EXAMINED IN THE U.S. SENATE DURING THE 1957-1976 PERIOD.

A MAJOR GOAL OF THIS STUDY IS TO DETERMINE THE EXTENT TO WHICH CANDIDATE AWARENESS IN HOUSE AND SENATE ELECTIONS REFLECTS VOTERS' CONTACT WITH THE CANDIDATES AND TO WHAT EXTENT IT REFLECTS ATTRIBUTES OF THE VOTERS. THE MEASURE INCLUDES BOTH RECOGNITION AND RECALL QUESTIONS. HIGHER LEVEL OF CANDIDATE AWARENESS IN SENATE ELECTIONS RESULTS FROM MORE FREE INFORMATION AVAILABLE.