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The term "conservative," when employed today in reference to politicians and beliefs, can denote groups as diverse and incompatible as the religious right, libertarians, and opponents of large, centralized government. Yet the original conservative philosophy, first developed in the eighteenth century by Edmund Burke, was most concerned with managing change. This kind of genuine conservatism has a renewed relevance in a complex world where change is rapid, pervasive, and dislocating. In Conservatism, Kieron O'Hara presents a thought-provoking revision of the traditional conserv.

The term "conservative," when employed today in reference to politicians and beliefs, can denote groups as diverse and incompatible as the religious right, libertarians, and opponents of large, centralized government. Yet the original conservative philosophy, first developed in the eighteenth century by Edmund Burke, was most concerned with managing change. This kind of genuine conservatism has a renewed relevance in a complex world where change is rapid, pervasive, and dislocating. In Conservatism, Kieron O'Hara presents a thought-provoking revision of the traditional conservative philosophy, here crafted for the modern age. As O'Hara argues, conservatism transcends traditional politics and has surprising applications-not least as the most appropriate and practical response to climate change. He shows what a properly conservative ideology looks like today, and draws on such great conservative thinkers as Burke and Adam Smith, philosophers from Plato to Wittgenstein, and contemporary social commentators such as Nassim Nicholas Taleb, Ulrich Beck, and Jared Diamond, in order to outline how conservative philosophy lays bare our failure to understand our own society. O'Hara proves as well that conservatism is distinct from neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism, and the extreme positions of many of today's most outspoken commentators. In this comprehensive and detailed description of a philosophy of change and innovation, O'Hara shows how conservatism can be an ideology sensitive to cultural differences among the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and elsewhere. As well, he highlights key issues of technology, trust, and privacy. Conservatism is a provocative read and a level-headed guide to cutting through the many voices of policy makers and pundits claiming to represent conservative points of view.

The nature of conservative ideology is and will continue to be warmly contested. In this short history, Mark Garnett contends that the disagreements have been particularly strong in the instance of British conservatism because the ideological label continues to be used by a prominent political party. Whether hostile or friendly in intent, commentators on conservatism have found it difficult to avoid the assumption that British 'conservatism' must, at all times, be reflected at least to some degree in the policy platforms of the Conservative Party.This book presents an account of British conservatism which avoids the usual confusion between the ideology and the stated principles of a party which prides itself on an ability to change its views according to circumstances. It shows, since the Tory Party adopted the name 'Conservative' in the 1830s it has become increasingly difficult to associate its varying positions with a coherent 'conservative' position, so that it is more profitable to discuss its ideological history from the perspective of liberalism and nationalism. This argument is presented by tracing the histories of the party and the ideology in separate chapters, whose themes and cast of characters rarely coincide.

Roger Scruton looks at the central ideas of conservatism over the centuries. He examines conservative thinking on civil society, the rule of law and the role of the state on the one hand; and freedom (including freedom of expression and association), morality, equality, property and rights on the other. He traces the origins and development of the conservative ideology in the philosophies and thoughts of, among others, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Edmund Burke, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, John Ruskin, Michael Oakeshott, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman and Robert Nozick. He shows how conservative ideas have worked out in the politics and policies of leading figures people such as Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Disraeli, the Earl of Salisbury, Calvin Coolidge, Winston Churchill, Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. He also looks closely at the degree to which capitalism and free markets have been, and are integral to, conservative ideology and politics in the UK and in the USA. Professor Scruton's clear, incisive guide is essential reading for anyone wishing to understand the politics and policies of the west now and over the last three centuries. --

Conservatism has played a signif role in the development of US pol notwithstanding the revolutionary tradition in the US. In the absence of a crown & a nobility, conservatism has centered around the Constitution & the instit of private property. Deeply perturbed by the appearance of New Deal & Fair Deal welfarism, many conservatives hoped the security state was a passing phenomenon. The persistence of the Cold War & the acceptance by the moderate Eisenhower regime of the New Deal reforms have left many conservatives profoundly disturbed. Anti-communism developed around the investigative function of Congress as the chief device used to combat liberalism. Since 1960 a secret org, the John Birch Society, has been created which advocates radical action, such as the impeachment of the Chief Justice. The Supreme Court is the current focus of criticism. The strategy of the extreme right appears to be the splintering of the Repulibcan party. Amply financed by the nouveaux riches, especially the oil beneficiaries of special tax privileges, widespread propaganda is being spread to inflame the unthinking masses. The radical right has some resemblance to fascism but should not be so regarded unless stronger leadership & more violence develop. AA.

"Conservatism" published on by Oxford University Press.

Conservatism has played a significant role in the development of American politics notwithstanding the revolu tionary tradition in the United States. In the absence of a crown and a nobility, conservatism has centered around the Con stitution and the institution of private property. Deeply per turbed by the appearance of New Deal and Fair Deal welfar ism, many conservatives hoped the security state was a passing phenomenon. The persistence of the Cold War and the accept ance by the moderate Eisenhower regime of the New Deal re forms have left many conservatives profoundly disturbed. Anti communism developed around the investigative function of Con gress as the chief device used to combat liberalism. Since 1960 a secret organization, the John Birch Society, has been created which advocates radical action, such as the impeachment of the Chief Justice. The Supreme Court is the current focus of criticism. The strategy of the extreme right appears to be the splintering of the Republican party. Amply financed by the nouveaux riches, especially the oil beneficiaries of special tax privileges, widespread propaganda is being spread to inflame the unthinking masses. The radical right has some resem blance to fascism but should not be so regarded unless stronger leadership and more violence develop.

A large segment of the US public believes that the causes of moral decay have not been correctly identified by the media. According to the 'traditional conservatives', drugs, AIDS, murder, poverty, feminisation, sexual promiscuity, aberrant cults, the erosion of family life and the environmental crisis are all a result of the infiltration of Marxists and their allies who seek 'global democratic peace'. (SJK)

THE CONSERVATIVES OF AMERICA, ONCE A POWERFUL FORCE, HAVE BEEN SET BACK BY FUNDAMENTAL DIVISIONS WITHIN THEIR RANKS. ON THE ONE HAND, THERE ARE THE TRADITIONAL CONSERVATIVES WHOSE PRIMARY EMPHASIS LIES IN LOYALTY TO AMERICA AS A NATION OF PEOPLE PROUD OF THEIR CULTURAL AND SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE NEW BREED OF "NEO-CONSERVATIVES" CORRESPONDS MORE CLOSELY TO NINETEENTH CENTURY LIBERALS. THE LATTER PLACE ECONOMIC INDIVIDUALISM ABOVE THE INTERESTS OF THE NATION AND OFTEN LOOK FOR FINANCIAL PROSPERITY NOT IN STRENGTH AT HOME BUT IN UNFETTERED WORLDWIDE TRADE. THE "NEO-CONSERVATIVES" THINK NOT OF NATIONS BUT OF INDIVIDUALS AND THEY CHAFF AT THE OLD TRADITION OF MERCANTILISM.