The author shows modern conservative concepts of politics as a variant of normative political theory. Conservatism shows up as a reaction to enlightened rationalism. In contrast to rationalistic revolutionary constructivism, conservatism pleads for a return to a religious basis for man's spiritual & political life. Conservatism creates policies based on tradition & the family, which sustains feelings of obligation toward the community. The state is not just an instrument for special interests, but an expression of substantial cooperation in the nation & its society. Thus, conservatism leads to a demand for reforms of existing liberal institutions. Adapted from the source document.
The aim of this article is to describe the distribution of social conservatism in the Serbian population & the association of its latent dimensions with sociodemographic characteristics & party preferences. The research was carried out using the sample of 1,172 full aged participants from the territory of Republic of Serbia (without Kosovo & Metohia). Internal reliability of the measure of social conservatism (Cronbach alfa=0.89) allows for the standardization of the scale. About one third of the examinees express a high degree of social conservatism. A factor analysis yields five latent dimensions explaining 67.59% of the variance. The factors were labeled authoritarianism, anti-European sentiment, collectivism, traditionalism, & patriarchal syndrome. Statistically significant but low correlations were found among age & education & dimensions of conservatism. Results of canonical discriminative analysis prove a significant influence of social conservatism & could interpret about 41% of the total variance of party preferences. Discriminative functions derived on the basis of party preferences show the existence of the three latent political options among the Serbian voters. The first option is labeled the radical-conservative, characterized by anti-European sentiment & authoritarian tendencies. The second is labeled the democratic-liberal that makes the opposite pole of the first option. The third is labeled the traditionalistic option accompanied by pro-European orientation. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author contends that numerous areas of human activity (particularly industry & science & technology) have been going through such a vigorous period of expansion that there is less & less room for political action. This applies particularly to the foreign policy sovereignty of individual states as well as to the possibilities of formulating domestic policy alternatives. This is why the programs of different parties are so similar & indistinguishable. In contrast to conservative parties, which always insist on reality & history as a yardstick, leftist parties have turned to the future. They address those whose reality is not a bed of roses due to economic reasons as well as those, found in all social strata, who are looking for alternatives to the existing systems. Adapted from the source document.
The article deals with the phenomenon of the so-called New American Unilateralism. The author searches for the causes, genesis & sources of such a behavior of the current American administration, especially emphasizing the importance of the neoconservative group, which has been creating, justifying & implementing this kind of unilateral strategy. Criticism of this politics is presented, coming from different directions. The author concludes that it is more the new discourse than the new politics, since the politics of George W. Bush does not substantially differ from the politics of previous American presidents. Having that in mind, it seems possible to predict that the strategy of the next president will probably go along the same lines & unilateralism will keep on being practiced as long as the world functions according to the unipolar model, with US as a global hegemon. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author poses the question about the fate of neoconservatism, the official political orientation in the 1980s US. Twenty years later, one can see how anticommunism & antimodernism, neoconservatism's fundamental ideological premises, have changed political practice & awareness, both (& equally) in foreign & in national policy. Though conceptually incoherent, neoconservatism has proved to possess exceptional clout. This has led the author to conclude that neoconservatism, despite the claims by neoconservatives themselves that it is dead, still has much leeway, since voters' awareness has been changed: they have become used to the new political context, & they vote for well-balanced "mixtures" of rightist & leftist ideologies. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.
This work presents the results of empirical research on the relation among authoritarianism, political worldview, & party choice. Based on the existing research, the starting assumption is that authoritarianism is largely typical for the electoral body of the "right-wing" parties as well as for the conservative worldview. The specially designed scale for measuring authoritarian/conformist tendencies has shown a marked mono-dimensionality & inner consistency. The findings have confirmed the initial assumption; they have also shown a relatively regular correspondence between a party's position on the "Left-Right" spectrum & the degree of authoritarianism of its electoral body. The sole exception is a higher degree of authoritarianism of HDZ's electoral body than that of HSP's, which may be explained by the fact that the applied scale has measured solely the attitude towards authority & conformity & not the attitude towards minority groups, which is a component of the famous "F" scale. Also, it has been shown that the voters of the so-called "modernist" worldviews (liberal, social-democratic) are significantly less authoritarian than the voters of the so-called "conservative" worldviews (democratic-Christian, Christian-socialist, traditional, or conservative). 10 Tables, 2 Figures, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.
The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakaric, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Rankovic (1966), the symbol of "neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism", one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakaric and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabcevic-Kucar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party's dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using "neo-Stalinist" methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and "technocrats", would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems. Adapted from the source document.
Polazeći od nekih ranijih rekonstrukcija nastanka sociologije u kojima se isticala izmiješanostmodernističkih i konzervativnih elemenata, pa čak i dominantnija prisutnost potonjih, u člankuse argumentira u prilog tezi da je sociologija bitno modernistički utemeljena. Pri tome je osobitoistaknuto kako je navodna bliskost rane sociologije s tezom konzervativaca o prvenstvu društvanad pojedincem dovedena u kontekst nastojanja da se novouspostavljena znanost o društvu isvojim predmetom proučavanja omeđi u odnosu na ostale društvene znanosti, a ne kako bi sesuprotstavilo modernističkoj vrijednosti individualizma. Prisutnost nekih elemenata ideologijamoderne – liberalizma, konzervativizma i socijalizma – u većoj ili manjoj mjeri prepoznaje se i udjelima istaknutih protagonista klasičnog razdoblja sociologije, ali je njihova osnovna intencijada izbjegnu spekulaciju i moraliziranje, te da primjenom vlastitih znanstvenih metoda pristupesvom predmetu izučavanja, društvu i društvenim promjenama. Osim znanstvenosti sociologijaje moderna znanost i zbog toga što razvoj društva vidi u okviru temeljnih dimenzija promjenainiciranih političkom i industrijskom revolucijom, dakle, daljnjim napretkom znanosti, industrijei političke demokracije. ; Starting from some earlier reconstructions of the emergence of sociology which emphasized themixture of modernist and conservative elements, and even the domination of the latter, in thisarticle we argue in favour of the idea that sociology is essentially modernist. Particular emphasisis given to how the supposed closeness of early sociology with the thesis of conservatives on theprecedence of society over the individual when brought into the context of the newly establishedscience of society and its subject of research is restricted in relation to other social sciences, andnot to oppose the modernist values of individualism. The presence of some elements of modernideologies – liberalism, conservatism and socialism – can be recognized more or less in the worksof the prominent leading names from the classical age of sociology, but their primary intentionwas to avoid speculation and moralization, and that by applying their own scientific methodsthey approach their subject of study, society and social changes. Sociology is a modernist sciencealso because it sees the development of society within the framework of the basic dimensions ofchanges initiated by the political and industrial revolution, and as such, the further progress ofscience, industry and political democracy.
Rad se dijeli na dva osnovna dijela. U prvom dijelu analizira se šest osnovnih označitelja s pomoću kojih se oblikuje postojeći značenjski okvir identifikacije Velebitske primorske padine u javnom znanju i imaginaciji suvremena hrvatskog društva. To su: nadmoć prirodnih sila; dubinsko siromaštvo; ekstremni ergonomijski (radni) tlak; tehnička konzervativnost mjesnog društva; slaba socijalna gustoća; rasutost razvojnog subjekta područja. Kada se ta obilježja promatraju međusobno svezano, dobiva se semiotični "portret" područja ne samo bez valjane razvojne budućnosti nego i područja za razvoj funkcionalno nesposobna. Stoga se u drugom dijelu rada aktualizira pitanje o uporištima revitalizacije područja. Koristi se pojam: revitalizacija, jer se njome teži naznačiti kako je mjesno društvo, odgovarajućim praksama revitalizacije potrebno tek pripremiti za aktivni/autonomni razvitak. Na tom se tragu analizira šest osnovnih uporišta (moguće) revitalizacije. To su: promjena javne predodžbe o subjektu mjesnog razvitka; nova kulturna strategija u odnosu na područje; definicija nove funkcionalne vrijednosti područja na nacionalnoj razini; (re)valorizacija prometne cjelovitosti područja; oblikovanje gospodarske strukture relativno neovisne o prirodnoj osnovi područja; izgradnja mreže razvojnih institucija. Svako spomenuto uporište počiva na svojevrsnim "snopovima" posebnih praksa koje ga sadržajno diferenciraju. No bitno je, pri tomu, podsjetiti kako se skiciranim revitalizacijskim pristupom sugerira međusobna povezanost socio/kulturnih promjena, promjena u gospodarskoj politici i politici. infrastrukture te u izgrađivanju specifične mreže razvojnih ustanova. Ili, drugačije rečeno, po srijedi je područje gdje se klasičnim "sektorskim" pristupom mjesnom razvitku ne će postići očekivani rezultati. ; The paper is divided into two basic parts. In the first part the six basic identifiers are analysed with the help of which the existing meaningful framework is formed of the identification of Velebit littoral hillside in the public consciousness and imagination of contemporary Croatian society. They are: the supremacy of natural forces; deep poverty; extreme ergonomic (working) pressure; the technical conservatism of the local society; poor social density; the diffusion of the developmental subject of the region. When these features are observed mutually bound a semiotic 'portrait' of a region is obtained not only without a valid developmental future but also of a region functionally incapable of development. Therefore in the second part of the paper the question about the mainstays of the revitalisation of the region is actualised. The term used is: revitalisation, because with it, it wishes to point out, with the corresponding practices of revitalisation, how necessary it is to prepare the local society for active/autonomous development. In this search six basic (possible) mainstays of revitalisation are analysed. They are: a change in the public's notion of the subject of local development; a new cultural strategy in relation to the area; a definition of the new functional value of the area on a national level; the (re)valorisation of the transport integrity of the area; the formation of an economic structure relatively independent from the natural base of the area; the construction of a network of developmental institutions. Each mentioned mainstay rests on kinds of bundles of special practices which differentiate it substantively. However, it is important, therein, to recall how with an outlined approach of revitalisation the interpersonal connectivity of socio/ cultural changes is suggested, changes in the economic policy and the policy of the infrastructure, and in the constructing of the specific network of the developmental institutions. Or, to put it a different way, it concerns an area where with a classic 'sectoral' approach to local development the expected results will not be achieved.
