Suchergebnisse

In the quest for individualization and liberalization, policies within the Swedish public sectors have since the late 1980's been marked by market-like reforms. Despite earlier intense debates between Swedish parties on these reforms, parties across the political spectrum currently support the "choice agenda", as the reforms are known. To understand the process of how parties have come to mutually support choice reforms, I analyze the arguments of the Swedish Social Democratic and Conservative parties on private and public, in relation to the question of individual choice, from the late 1970s until today. The analysis reveals that the Social Democrats show continuity in the way that they attribute essential values to the state in regards of the state's capability of guaranteeing the desirable outcome (an equally distributed welfare), but a marked change in the instrumental values assigned to the market. Although the Conservatives show ambivalence regarding the desired functions of the state, it has not had the same impact on the conservative significance of the concept of choice and therefore the conservative ideology can appear as more coherent. For both parties, it seems, however, that the welfare society still requires a welfare state. Adapted from the source document.

While the Right has, since the turn of the cent, seen the number of its voices & seats in the 2 chambers of the Swedish Parliament diminish regularly, 1928 seems to be exceptional for the success of this party in the elections for the second Chamber. The propaganda that was used may explain this revival. The study was made using 3 conservative journals which are considered to be representative. Pol'al & soc events of 1928 were presented as evidence of collusion between the socialists & the Swedish & Russian Communists. The question of royal succession, the opposition of the socialists to gov projects for labor legislation, the strikes in the pulp paper industry & in the mines (the latter supported by Russian unions), the issue made by the socialist of the mobilization of dockworkers, & the attitude of the socialists in matters of national defense-all of these were stressed in the 3 journals. All of them were used as evidence of the close regard for Sweden of the Soviet regime. During the election campaign, this attempt to magnify the issues took 3 forms: (1) the cooperation between socialists & Communists was violently denounced, (2) a social-democratic victory was considered to be a means for Communists to control the gov, & (3) the other bourgeois pol'al parties were also attacked because of their attitude in the preceding legislature. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

At the turn of the century agrarian parties emerged in large parts of Europe. The parties had one thing in common: they stood up for the social, economic, cultural, and political interests of the agrarian society. The Swedish agrarian parties - 1 Bondeförbundet ' and 'Jordbrukarnas Riksförbund1 - were formed between 1913 and 1915.In this study the agrarian parties are not considered to be class parties. Instead, they are described as traditional parties, defending the old agrarian community against expansive industrialization. Their potential voters belonged to various social strata in the agrarian community, and their political programme, often characterized by a markedly negative view of modern society and by cultural protectionism, is summarized here under the term agrarianism. Agrarianism seen as a political theory and an applicable ideology had features in common with Conservatism as well as with Fascism and Socialism. Liberal values, however, were kept in the background.A modernization perspective is adopted in order to demonstrate that the agrarian parties were in fact traditional parties. It is assumed that regional variation in the electoral support of the agrarian parties reflects the modernization process, and, consequently, that the parties were weaker in industrial areas and stronger in socially and economically backward areas.The empirical studies show that the Agrarian parties stand out as traditional parties rather than class parties. Their voter support was stronger in areas where the historical and economic development was characterized by stagnation and conservatism, as well as in areas where social mobilization advanced slowly. In more industrialized and modernized areas conditions were quite the opposite. A study of Swedish interwar agrarianism with special regard to regional variations in party strength proves the agrarian parties to be the inheritors of a way of life formed by centuries of agrarian traditions. ; digitalisering@umu