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In: American political science review, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 29-43
ISSN: 1537-5943
The conservative of today hardly knows what to conserve. His bargain with destiny seems broken, and instead of consciousness of achievement and contentment with what is, he is more likely to be filled with a sense of frustration. This frustration is an uncertain quantity with which to deal, since it is characteristically explosive and negative. Under its guidance, conservatism may become a driving force to suppress the inconsequential; it may be a force that is forgetful at the same time of fundamental changes that will undermine a way of political existence. The conservative is happiest when he is unconscious of politics, when the essential propositions of social organisation do not have to be defended. But the weakness of conservatism appears in not knowing always what are the fundamental propositions supporting its manner of living, and in inability to judge the consequences of political and economic mutation. Conservatism, however, is at least that body of social thought which does not have to be defended.Conflict, struggle, and protest must be conscious and filled with a sense of purpose. In conflict, there is always the conscious defense of what is presumed to be an interest, and there is an attack on what others deem to be their interest. Likewise, radicalism can never be unconscious or merely habitual, for it is a protest against something that is. But it must not be forgotten that in no state of society have all interests reached an equilibrium which permits of complete coöperation and no struggle. In this sense, conservatism represents a functional value in existence, since the stability of a conservative society is a situation in which the conflict of interests and wills is muted and restricted.
First published in 1980, The Meaning of Conservatism is now recognized as a major contribution to political thought, and the liveliest and most provocative modern statement of the traditional conservative position. Roger Scruton challenges those who would regard themselves as conservatives, and also their opponents. Conservatism, he argues, has little in common with liberalism, and is only tenuously related to the market economy, to monetarism, to free enterprise or to capitalism. It involves neither hostility towards the state, nor the desire to limit the state's obligation towards the citizen. Its conceptions of society, law and citizenship regard the individual not as the premise but as the conclusion of politics. At the same time it is fundamentally opposed to the ethic of social justice, to equality of station, opportunity, income and achievement, and to the attempt to bring major institutions of society - such as schools and universities - under government control
In: The review of politics, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 29-58
ISSN: 1748-6858
The study of ethics has recently become influenced by a form of moral conservatism—a critique of "modernity" with a bias towards Aristotle. It stresses the integrity of communities and their customs, a pluralistic and particularistic respect for the diversity of human groups, the poverty of utopianism and Marxism, and the inevitability of moral and political conflict. Each stress raises major issues: the priority of social goods over human rights; hermeneutical problems of understanding between communities; difficulties for societies' shaping a common future in accordance with their moral understanding; the balance between consensus and conflict in political life. These problems are addressed in an extended form of moral conservatism which defines a number of correspondences with progressive conceptions of humanity. Referring to central facts of moral psychology and possible institutions of public communication, the discussion identifies universal human purposes whose practical implications are consistent with a postmodern society in which the course of development is settled by public deliberation.
In: American political science review, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 454-473
ISSN: 1537-5943
Does conservative political thought have a place in America today? The answer to this question depends upon the general nature of conservatism as an ideology: its distinguishing characteristics, its substance, and the conditions under which it arises. By ideology I mean a system of ideas concerned with the distribution of political and social values and acquiesced in by a significant social group. Interpretations of the role and relevance of conservative thought on the contemporary scene vary greatly. Underlying the debate, however, are three broad and conflicting conceptions of the nature of conservatism as an ideology. This essay deals with the relative merits of these concepts.
In: Cornell paperbacks
In: New left review: NLR, Heft 214, S. 3-25
ISSN: 0028-6060
The status of the Conservative Party in the UK is examined; specific attention is dedicated to exploring the vitality of the foundations of Conservative political hegemony. Developments that suggest the decline of the Conservative Party's political authority are highlighted including a severe reduction in the Conservatives' lead in public poll ratings & its inability to develop a consensual approach toward European economic & political policy. Analysis of 20th century British politics revealed that the Conservative Party successfully recovered from previous threats to its political hegemony; nevertheless, it is demonstrated that the Conservative Party's neo-liberal agenda & other factors have weakened the foundations of its political hegemony. Indeed, it is shown that the Margaret Thatcher government actually eroded support from the established political leaders & classes, enervated efforts to preserve the Union, downplayed the importance of the national economy & capital, & failed to consistently support impending European integration. It is concluded that intra-party tensions regarding the UK's position toward European integration will further reduce the Conservatives' political dominance; however, it is stressed that John Major's electoral victory should disperse neo-Thatcherites for the short term. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker
In: The review of politics, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 29
ISSN: 0034-6705
In: The American enterprise, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 26, 27, 32
ISSN: 1047-3572
Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface to the Third Edition -- Preface to the First Edition -- Introduction: Philosophy, Policy and Doctrine -- 1. The Conservative Attitude -- 2. Authority and Allegiance -- 3. Constitution and the State -- 4. Law and Liberty -- 5. Property -- 6. Alienated Labour -- 7. The Autonomous Institution -- 8. Establishment -- 9. The Public World -- Philosophical Appendix: Liberalism versus Conservatism -- Notes -- Index.
Url: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/1075000407 ; Bu makale, Türkiye'de toplumsal muhafazakarlıkla örtüşen siyasi muhafazakarlığı kültürel, ekonomik yönleriyle incelerken, medyatik olarak muhafazakarlığın tahrifini araştırmayı amaçlamıştır. Menderes ve Özal dönemlerinde görüldüğü gibi, literatürde "yaratıcı", "tepkisel" ve "liberal" özelliklerle adı konan ve toplumsal muhafazakarlıkla örtüşen Türk siyasi muhafazakar-lığının nasıl ve ne şekilde statükoculuğa ya da egemenlerin düzenine dönüştüğü belirlenmiştir. 1980'lerden sonra özellikle ticari televizyon kanallarının yayın hayatına girmesiyle, toplumsal muhafazakarlığın kendini temsil imkanı bulunmakla beraber, ilerleyen zaman içinde, tıpkı siyasi statükoculukta olduğu gibi, "halk böyle istiyor!" ya da "hükümetçe söylem"lerle medyatik muhafazakarlığın da statükoculuğa ya da egemenlerin düzenini temsil etmeye başladığı ve böylesi bir temsiliyetin kendini yeniden üretemeyecek bir biçimde kitleselleşme sürecine yapmış olduğu katkı vurgulanmıştır.
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In: Studies in Indian politics, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 1-14
ISSN: 2321-7472
This article identifies the difficulty in defining conservatism and then goes on to illustrate the contradiction inherent in conservative thought.* The central problem addressed by the article is the absence of conservative thinking in modern India. Contrary to the practice of labelling certain strands of thinking as conservative, Indian political thought of past two centuries hardly has any serious conservative tradition. Looking at the ideas of Malaviya, Gandhi and Hindu nationalists, this article shows that while some of their positions did come close to conservative thinking, they did not systematically pursue conservative thinking. A key reason for this is the colonial rupture that negative possibility of serious engagement with past.
In: NIU series in Slavic, East European, and Eurasian studies
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 415, Heft 1, S. 176-186
ISSN: 1552-3349
The notion that aging beyond adolescence and young adulthood leads to conservatism is part of the conventional wisdom, and there are theoretical reasons to believe that certain dimensions of biological, social and psychological aging contribute to some kinds of conser vatism. For instance, with the assumption of family respon sibilities, a diffuse liberalism-humanitarianism is likely to be overshadowed by concern for specific others. Or, aging persons may become more conservative in the sense that their attitudes and values become more resistant to change, because each subsequent experience is a smaller proportion of the total background of experiences. Empirical evidence on the topic is not definitive; moreover, in view of intransigent methodological problems which plague the study of aging effects, the evidence may never be definitive. However, cohort analysis of United States survey sample data reveals that in recent years persons aging beyond young adulthood and beyond middle age have tended to become more liberal in many respects, in conformity with general societal trends. However, these people have tended to become more conservative in a relative sense since their liberalization has not kept pace with changes in the total adult population. Although the evidence suggests that attitudes probably become somewhat less susceptible to change as people grow older, there is scant evidence for any other contribution of aging to conservatism.