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SHIFTING ELECTORAL CURRENTS OF SCOTTISH NATIONALISM OVER THE PAST TWO DECADES HAVE HAD PROFOUND EFFECTS ON THE STRUCTURE OF PARLIAMENTARY PARTY ALIGNMENTS AND THE REPRESENTATION OF SCOTTISH INTERESTS IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. DURING THE 1970S THE POLITICIZATION OF SCOTTISH NATIONALISM UNDERCUT TRADITIONAL PARTY LOYALTIES PRODUCING AN ESSENTIALLY FOUR-PARTY SYSTEM BASED ON CROSSCUTTING CLASS AND NATIONAL CLEAVAGES. ALTHOUGH THE DEFEAT OF THE DEVOLUTION REFERENDUM AND OF ALL BUT TWO OF THE SCOTTISH NATIONALIST MPS HALTED THE NATIONALIST REALIGNMENT IN PARLIAMENT, SUBSTANTIAL MISALIGNMENT CONTINUES WITHIN THE CLASS-BASED LABOUR AND CONSERVATIVE PARTIES. THIS INSURES THE CONTINUED REPRESENTATION OF SCOTTISH INTERESTS IN PARLIAMENT WHILE INCREASING THE LIKELIHOOD OF INTRA-PARTY REBELLION AND BACKBENCH DISSENT.

This study investigates the direction and extent to which religious belonging and regular church attendance are related to distinct political preferences among U.S. Latinos. The key question is whether Latino churchgoers are more committed than infrequent attenders to liberal policy views and the Democratic Party, or whether Latino religious commitments are related to conservative policy views and Republican Party support. Findings indicate that Latino Protestants are more likely to hold conservative views, while Latino Catholics—the vast majority of religious Latinos—are more likely to hold liberal views, or show no political differences, if they attend church regularly.

This article traces the evolution of Australian migration policy since 1975. It argues that the main factor shaping policy has been interparty competition for influence within Australia's ethnic communities. This has led to a sharp change in the conservative Lib/NCP Government's policy, from a manpower orientation towards family reunion, and in the case of the Australian Labour Party to a downgrading of attention to the labor market implications of migration and, like the Conservatives, a focus on family reunion. This convergence in party policies is fundamentally reshaping the country of origin and to a lesser extent occupational characteristics of settlers entering Australia.

Japan's conservative Liberal Democratic Party swept both houses of parliament in December 2012 and July 2013 on a platform of Keynesian spending. Better known for fiscal stringency, the LDP "changed its spots" in part because 1994 electoral reforms force parties to compete on party platforms in place of clientelism.

NORWAY EXPERIENCES CONTINUOUS TENSION BETWEEN EXTERNAL PRESSURES AND INTERNALLY-GENERATED ASPIRATIONS. IN SECURITY POLICY, COMPROMISE SOFTENS THE COLLISION BETWEEN THE TWO FORCES. WHEN THE STORTING OR THE ELECTORATE DECIDES POLICY DIRECTLY, FOREIGN POLICY MAY BECOME THE NON-LOGICAL OUTCOME OF COMPLEX, UNDERLYING LINES OF DOMESTIC CONFLICT. A CORPORATIST PARTICIPATORY SYSTEM, COUPLED WITH EXTERNAL ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE, OFTEN MAKES ECONOMIC FOREIGN POLICY SALIENT. WHEN MINISTRIES ARE THE DECISIONAL LOCUS, INTEREST GROUPS OFTEN HAVE PRIVILEGED ACCESS. THE LABOR PARTY WILL CONTINUE TO PLAY A KEY ROLE IN FOREIGN POLICY-MAKING AS LONG AS IT BRIDGES THE MAIN FOREIGN POLICY CLEAVAGES. THE CONSERVATIVES AND EUROPEAN-ATLANTICISTS IN THE LABOR PARTY HAVE LED AN IMPLICIT AND DURABLE FOREIGN POLICY COALITION FUNDAMENTAL TO THE NATION. THE ISSUE OF MEMBERSHIP IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY REMAINS THE LARGEST CHALLENGE TO THEIR FUTURE POLICY-MAKING ROLE.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- A Scottish Assembly -- Introduction -- Part I: Beginnings, 1968-74 -- Introduction -- The Claim of Scotland -- Why Enmity and Conflict? -- The Declaration of Perth -- The Three Dreams of Scottish Nationalism -- The Government of Scotland -- Forms and Consequences of Federalism -- An Assembly -- A Scheme of Legislative Devolution -- The New Appeal of Nationalism -- Part II: The Devolution Years, 1974-83 -- Introduction -- Scottish Government -- A Parliament for Scotland -- The Devolution of the Intellectuals -- Our Changing Democracy -- Nationalism, Community and Democracy -- Speech to Parliament -- The Slide to Independence -- The Trouble with John P. Mackintosh -- Why it must be 'No' when Assembly is put to the Vote -- The Conservative Party and Devolution -- Speech and Interview -- The Defeat of Devolution -- Interview: Portrait of a Devolutionist -- Part III: Reactions to Thatcherism, 1983-92 -- Introduction -- Interview: Devolution -- Scotland - Omega One -- Towards a Constitutional Convention -- The Devolution Maze -- A Claim of Right for Scotland -- Lecture -- Unrepentant Gradualism -- The Government of Scotland -- Church and Nation: a Catholic View -- Women's Issues and the Scottish Assembly -- Independence in Europe -- Thatcherism in a Cold Climate -- The Implications of a Scottish Parliament for Women's Organisations in Scotland -- The Scottish Constitutional Convention -- Part IV: Towards the Parliament, 1992-7 -- Introduction -- The Scottish Question -- Taking Stock of Taking Stock -- To Make the Parliament of Scotland a Model for Democracy -- The Governance of Scotland -- A Scottish Parliament: Friend or Foe to Local Government? -- Scottish Local Government in Europe -- Fundamentals for a New Scotland Act -- Scotland's Next Step -- Sovereignty after the Election -- Three-level Path to Flourish in Europe -- Scotland's Parliament -- What's the Story? -- Losing Sight of Tinkerbell -- Don't Wreck the Heritage we all Share -- Free, on our Own Terms -- Some Poetry, Pipers and Politics for the People -- References -- Index

"Harnessing Chaos is an explanation of changes in dominant politicalized assumptions about what the Bible 'really means' in English culture since the 1960s. This book looks at how the social upheavals of the 1960s, and the economic shift from the post-war dominance of Keynesianism to the post-1970s dominance of neoliberalism, brought about certain emphases and nuances in the ways in which the Bible is popularly understood, particularly in relation to dominant political ideas. This book examines the decline of politically radical biblical interpretation in parliamentary politics and the victory of (a modified form of) Margaret Thatcher's re-reading of the liberal Bible tradition, following the normalisation of (a modified form of) Thatcherism more generally. Part I looks at the potential options for politicized readings of the Bible at the end of the the1960s, focussing on the examples of Christopher Hill and Enoch Powell. Part II analyses the role of Thatcher's specific contribution to political interpretation of the Bible and assumptions about 'religion'. Part III highlights the importance of (often unintended) ideological changes towards forms of Thatcherite interpretation in popular culture and with particular reference to Monty Python's Life of Brian and the Manchester music scene between 1976 and 1994. Part IV concerns the modification of Thatcher's Bible, particularly with reference to the embrace of socially liberal values, by looking at the electoral decline of the Conservative Party through the work of Jeffrey Archer on Judas and the final victory of Thatcherism through Tony Blair's exegesis. Some consideration is then given to the Bible in an Age of Coalition and how politically radical biblical interpretations retain a presence outside parliamentary politics. Harnessing Chaos concludes with reflections on why politicians in English politicians bother using the Bible at all." --Bloomsbury Publishing

During his successful campaign to become Conservative Party leader in the spring of 2004, Stephen Harper said of the Maritime provinces, "We will see the day when the region is not the place where you visit your grandparents, but instead more often than not the place where you visit your grandchildren." In Visiting Grandchildren, esteemed policy analyst and scholar Donald J. Savoie explores how Canadian economic policies have served to exclude the Maritime provinces from the wealth enjoyed in many other parts of the country, especially southern Ontario, and calls for a radical new approach in how Canadian governments determine policies that affect the different regions.Savoie advocates a 'ratchet effect' for national economic policies, whereby regions take turns at high growth, with the slow-growth region of one period becoming the high-growth region of the next, with none moving from slow-growth to decline. He demonstrates how this pattern has been effective in countries undergoing long-term regional convergence and how it would recognize that what is good for the Maritimes is good for Canada no less than what is good for Ontario is good for Canada.Visiting Grandchildren looks to history, accidents of geography, and to the workings of national political and administrative institutions to explain the relative underdevelopment of the Maritime provinces. Savoie argues that the region must strive to redefine its relationship with the national government and with other regions, that it must ask fundamental questions of itself about its own responsibility for its present underdevelopment, develop a cooperative mindset, and embrace the market, if it is to prosper in the twenty-first century. Savoie's work serves as the blueprint for a new way of envisioning the Maritime region

El presente estudio analiza la imagen mediática de Margaret Thatcher con motivo de las elecciones de 1979, 1983 y 1987 en los periódicos españoles La Vanguardia, ABC y El País. A partir del análisis de contenido, se persigue conocer la caracterización que se elaboró con motivo de la llegada de la primera mujer al cargo de jefe de gobierno de un país europeo, hace ahora cuarenta años. La distancia temporal, el variado espectro ideológico, y la relevancia de la figura analizada, permiten adentrarse en la actitud de la prensa y conocer el grado de naturalidad, paternalismo, estereotipación y anomalías con que se trató a la mandataria británica. La elección de una mujer desde un partido conservador, el triunfo del thatcherismo, y el hecho de que fuera capaz de regir a los varones, engloban los discursos principales de las cabeceras. ; This study analyses the image of Margaret Thatcher on the occasions of the 1979, 1983 and 1987 elections in the Spanish newspapers La Vanguardia, ABC and El País. By means of content analysis, the study seeks to identify the characterization made on occasion of the first woman to reach the position of head of government in a European country, forty years ago. The time distance, the diversity of the ideological spectrum and the relevance of the politician, allows for delving into the attitude of the press and identifying the degree of spontanneity, paternalism, stereotyping and anomalies that Thatcher was bound to meet. The appointment of a woman by a conservative party, the triumph of thatcherism, and the fact that she was able to rule over men encompass the main discourses of the newspapers.

This study analyses the image of Margaret Thatcher on the occasions of the 1979, 1983 and 1987 elections in the Spanish newspapers La Vanguardia, ABC and El País. By means of content analysis, the study seeks to identify the characterization made on occasion of the first woman to reach the position of head of government in a European country, forty years ago. The time distance, the diversity of the ideological spectrum and the relevance of the politician, allows for delving into the attitude of the press and identifying the degree of spontaneity, paternalism, stereotyping and anomalies that Thatcher was bound to meet. The appointment of a woman by a conservative party, the triumph of thatcherism, and the fact that she was able to rule over men encompass the main discourses of the newspapers. ; El presente estudio analiza la imagen mediática de Margaret Thatcher con motivo de las elecciones de 1979, 1983 y 1987 en los periódicos españoles La Vanguardia, ABC y El País. A partir del análisis de contenido, se persigue conocer la caracterización que se elaboró con motivo de la llegada de la primera mujer al cargo de jefe de gobierno de un país europeo, hace ahora cuarenta años. La distancia temporal, el variado espectro ideológico, y la relevancia de la figura analizada, permiten adentrarse en la actitud de la prensa y conocer el grado de naturalidad, paternalismo, estereotipación y anomalías con que se trató a la mandataria británica. La elección de una mujer desde un partido conservador, el triunfo del thatcherismo, y el hecho de que fuera capaz de regir a los varones, engloban los discursos principales de las cabeceras.

This article explores and analyzes the fourth century Chinese legal official and legal scholar Liu Song's (d. 300) theory of adjudication through a full translation into English (the first translation of its kind) of his famous "Memorial on Adjudication," which urged judicial and legal reforms during the reign of Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) of the Western Jin dynasty (265–316). This article argues that Liu believed that written law should reign supreme over other factors (e.g., societal needs, public opinion) in adjudicating cases. He was also one of the first major Chinese legal thinkers to explicitly set forth what we would today call the "legality principle." But while Liu's theory of adjudication was centered on written law, it was also motivated by a desire to control the power and discretion of judicial officials and preserve the authority of the emperor. Liu's theory of adjudication is significant in the history of Chinese legal thought as it runs counter to the so-called "qing-li-fa" (QLF) theory of adjudication, which has strongly influenced contemporary theoretical accounts and descriptions of traditional Chinese law as a whole. This article also briefly considers Liu's theory in a comparative legal theory perspective, arguing that Liu's theory is different from key Western theories on adjudication—namely, Hart's and Dworkin's theories of adjudication with respect to hard cases. Finally, this article also briefly discusses the relevance of Liu Song's legal thought to 21st century Chinese law, given the current Chinese leadership's penchant for using traditional Chinese political and legal philosophy as sources and justifications for government and administration. This article suggests that Liu Song is a figure whose legal thought could be equally palatable to rule of law reformers and more conservative party officials in China today.

The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country's membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.

Prior to the 2010 general election the 'Big Society' was the major political narrative created and sustained by the Conservative party under David Cameron. The Big Society as a narrative was formulated to become an approach to governance that would fix Broken-Britain and repair the nation's economy and public services. This type of overarching political narrative was not new. In fact, the 'Big Society' in many ways can be viewed as both the response to New Labours 'Third Way' and a continuation of the political rebranding initiated by New Labour. The purpose of this paper is to contextualise this argument in relation to education policy and education reform under the Coalition government. The reason for focusing solely upon the field of education refers to the growing connection between education as both a social and also an economic policy priority. Secondly, the paper makes the argument that the 'Big Society' much as the 'Third Way' under New Labour, is a product of neoliberal governmentality. Finally, attention turns towards conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the policy discourse around education reform under the Coalition. The data sample for this analysis consisted of fourteen political speeches made by policy-makers and politicians that speak for the Coalition on education reform. The analysis uncovers several layers of the political discourse in relation to education reform. Alongside this illustration of the construction of political discourse the paper draws attention to some of the paradoxes and contradictions present within neoliberal governmentality. The concepts of 'freedom' and 'responsibility' which are central to the 'Big Society' narrative were also key aspects of the Coalitions education reform agenda. However, the dichotomy between autonomy and accountability is presented as paradoxical when transmitted towards policy intentions and policy outcomes.

International audience ; Euroscepticism is often interpreted through a dichotomy between on the one hand pro-European government parties which respect the rules of political competition, and on the other hand Eurosceptic protest parties which question them. In this perspective, political actors are studied within closed national political fields, disregarding the fact that they are included in broader networks. Yet a position at the junction between the national political field and the academic field or European political arenas, can provide valuable resources to legitimize the criticism of European integration and avoid being stigmatized as "Eurosceptic". This article offers a case study focused on the development of European expertise for the Czech conservative party ODS, and on the way its main leaders use this " science " in Anglo-Saxon Eurosceptic liberal networks. It highlights the paradox of a Eurosceptic ideology which contests the European transnational political space while simultaneously relying on it for its development. ; Une interprétation courante de l'euroscepticisme repose sur une dichotomie entre des partis de gouvernement pro-européens qui respectent les règles du jeu politique légitime, et des formations protestataires eurosceptiques qui les remettent en cause. On raisonne alors dans des espaces politiques nationaux pris isolément, sans considérer que les acteurs partisans sont insérés dans des configurations plus larges. Or un positionnement à la frontière avec l'espace académique national ou l'arène politique européenne peut procurer les ressources nécessaires à la légitimation des critiques de l'intégration européenne et permettre aux organisations politiques d'échapper au stigmate du label " eurosceptique ". Une étude de cas centrée sur la production de l'expertise européenne du parti conservateur tchèque ODS, et de l'usage de cette " science " dans les réseaux libéraux eurosceptiques anglo-saxons, permet de montrer le paradoxe de cette idéologie qui voit la contestation de l'espace ...