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The article presents the policy of the Galician conservatives towards the Ukrainian in the years 1895–1898. During this period, Prince Eustachy Sanguszko was the governor of Galicia. According to an unanimous opinion, he was to be a continuator of Kazimierz Badeni's political line in the field of Polish-Ukrainian relations. Unfortunately, the governor did not manage to normalize mutual relations. This was due to, on the one hand, the rise in radical sentiment among the Ukrainian society, and on the other hand, the weakening of the political camp ruling the country caused, inter alia, by internal reshuffles. All this meant that instead of easing the mutual opposites, the Polish-Ukrainian conflict began to grow more and more. ; The article presents the policy of the Galician conservatives towards the Ukrainian in the years 1895–1898. During this period, Prince Eustachy Sanguszko was the governor of Galicia. According to an unanimous opinion, he was to be a continuator of Kazimierz Badeni's political line in the field of Polish-Ukrainian relations. Unfortunately, the governor did not manage to normalize mutual relations. This was due to, on the one hand, the rise in radical sentiment among the Ukrainian society, and on the other hand, the weakening of the political camp ruling the country caused, inter alia, by internal reshuffles. All this meant that instead of easing the mutual opposites, the Polish-Ukrainian conflict began to grow more and more.

In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend. ; In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend.

The aim of the article is to investigate a cooperation between the Members of the European Parliament in the European Conservatives and Reformist Group. ECR Group was formed in the European Parliament in 2009 and the biggest parties in ECR are the British Conservative Party and Polish Law and Justice. United Kingdom will leave the European Union and the question is whether the ECR group is enough institutionalised to survive after Brexit? The Author of the article uses the analysis of the scholar literature, reports and ECR's political programs, and tries to find answers to the following research questions: how did the conservative parties cooperate within the ECR? What is the internal structure of the ECR group? What positions were held by ECR in the European Parliament?

The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term. ; The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

Conservatives in Galicia during the Austro-Hungarian monarchy exerted an overwhelming influence on political and social life. Among the conservative groups and parties, there were the so-called Podolaks, to which Wojciech Dzieduszycki belonged, writer, politician and philosopher. He wrote about the genesis and concept of law, the functions of the state and the scope of state power. He spoke against the law that regulates all manifestations of human life, because social relations are also regulated by moral and religious norms. Dzieduszycki was critical of socialism and all excessive forms of state intervention because he was against excessive state power. Based on Dzieduszycki's reflections on the state and law, it can be concluded that he was an advocate of evolutionary conservatism. ; Konserwatyści w Galicji doby monarchii austro-węgierskiej wywierali przemożny wpływ na życie polityczne i społeczne. Spośród ugrupowań i stronnictw zachowawczych silną pozycją odznaczali się tzw. podolacy, do których przynależał Wojciech Dzieduszycki, pisarz, polityk i filozof. Myśliciel ten zajmował się genezą i pojęciem prawa, funkcjami państwa i zakresem władzy państwowej. Wypowiadał się przeciwko prawu regulującemu wszelkie przejawy ludzkiego życia, gdyż stosunki społeczne są regulowane także przez normy moralne i religijne. Krytyczny stosunek do omnipotencji prawa implikował u Dzieduszyckiego sprzeciw wobec socjalizmu i wszelkich nadmiernych form interwencjonizmu państwa. Na podstawie jego rozważań o państwie i prawie można stwierdzić, że był zwolennikiem konserwatyzmu ewolucyjnego.

This work is a synthetic presentation of authoritarian and pro-fascist tendencies appearing in the Polish political thought between 1921 and 1935, tendencies resulting from the crisis of a liberal parliamentary democracy getting stronger (not only in Poland) in the interwar period. After regaining independence, the realities of parliamentarism did not overlap with hopes and expectations harboured so far that is why disappointment with democracy started to germinate in different environments. In the first half of the 1920s the slogans of a withdrawal from democracy remained rare and tentative, and, in general, constrained to postulates of a temporary facilitation of the institution and democratic mechanisms. The 1926 was the breakthrough. The awareness of the democracy crisis has become common. Despite this, authoritarianism initially seemed a temporary phenomenon. In the 1930s, Great Economic Crisis deepened disappointment with democracy making what was initially an exception to the rule a rule. The harbinger of the new epoch was the birth of the National Radicalism. The first chapter is devoted to terminological issues, and explains the notions of demoliberalism, authoritarianism and totalitarianism used in this work. The second chapter describes the bases from which authoritarian tendencies were born in the interwar period, namely criticism of democracy to be found in the Polish political thought of the 19. century. Next chapters present antidemoliberal conceptions of fascists in the 1920s, conservatives, national democrats, Christian democrats, Piłsudski's camp, national-workers movement, agrarian movement and Marxist groups, as well as esoteric circles, Pan-Slavists, eugenic activists, technocrats, war veterans, and, finally, National Radicals from the beginning of the 1930s. Both system solutions proposed in their political thought and their ideological justification were examined. An alternative to a parliamentary democracy took on different forms. One can see here a variety of propositions: from insignificant corrections of the democratic system to its total negation. "Old" national democrats, some conservatives, Christian democrats, agrarian populists, and initially Piłsudskites were limited to the reform of parliamentarism with maintaining its fundaments. Authoritarianism was represented by "young" national democrats of the Obóz Wielkiej Polski (the Greater Poland Camp), and a majority of conservatives. After 1926 it was a direction in which the reform moved. Totalitarianism did not have many followers. Reform proposals showed far-reaching similarity: reinforcement and independence of the executive, reorganization and restriction of the role of the Parliament, and, finally, corporatist system based on organized social groups were postulated. What was different, on the other hand, was the justification of these projects. The national democrats wanted to protect the interest of the ethnic Polish nation. Piłsudskites and conservatives accentuated the necessity to provide the Polish state with power (and, thus, the possibility of expansion). The latter, with Christian democrats, motivated their postulates with a defense of a traditional social and moral order. According to the left-wing activists, strong authority was also to be a tool of nation modernization and conducting social reforms. The most peculiar explanation was given by esoteric groups, according to whom the change of the political system was to serve the fulfillment of moral and metaphysical aims.

The current Serbian authorities (aligned with the Serbian ProgressiveParty) have pushed Serbia towards effective reforms over the past severalyears and improved its image on the international arena through an intensifieddiplomatic offensive after 2015. This has led to a situation in which theSerbian state became a political and economic partner in both regional andintegration projects. The latter is demonstrated by the arduous but progressiveaccession process to the European Union.After 2000, international and Serbian public opinion greeting the end of theregime of Slobodan Milošević expected rapid democratisation of the statebased on statements by Serbian politicians who had declared a West Europeancourse of the state. The short-lived rule of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić,confirmed this; however, the policy of his successors was no longer so unambiguous.For almost a decade, Serbia oscillated between populism anddeclared democratisation, without making major changes, expected by bothsociety and the European Union.When after the year 2012 the Serbian Progressive Party came to power (theparty was founded as a conservative grouping and had radical roots), itseemed that the Serbian state would be pushed towards a more conservative,anti-European and nationalist direction. However, that did not happen.Opinion about the last six years of the group's rule is varied. This paper aimsto try to answer the question whether during the party's rule, Serbia has beendemocratising and whether in this era of nationalist movements and populism,the country has a chance at real democratisation and finishing the processof accession to the EU?

The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the evolution of Greek policy towards the Balkans from the end of the Cold War to the present day. The article uses the chronological-descriptive method and a case study. The article indicates that initially Greek policy in the region was reactive, conservative, nationalist, and based on cooperation with the Serbian government of Milosevich, which led to the marginalization of its importance in the Balkans. Only the Europeanization of Greek politics and the reliance on Euro- Atlantic structures strengthens Athens' position among its Balkan neighbors. Undoubtedly, the financial crisis hampered the effectiveness of Greece's Balkan policy, which is currently ambitiously rebuilding its image as an advocate of the Balkan states in the EU and NATO.

Predomination of Liberal Democratic Party of Japan in the Party System – Selected AspectsThe Japanese party system, according to assumptions of Giovanni Sartori's classification, should be considered as the predominant-party system. Liberal Democratic Party is occupying a dominant position in this system. The LDP has been in power since 1955, except for a brief period in 1993 and 2009, when the party was deprived of power because of electoral defeats. In remaining elections, the party has been achieving victories and thanks to that the LDP gained an absolute majority in the parliament and could self-govern. The LDP should be considered as a conservative political power, realizing the neoliberal program in the economy. Among the reasons for the dominance of the party, particular attention should be paid to the fact that it bases on the rural electorate and that the electoral system works to its advantage

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.

Liberal Democrats as a co-governing party: between idealism and pragmatism Five years of joint governing by Conservative Party with the Liberal Democrats tends to make the balance, especially such an unusual phenomenon in British politics. This article includes an assessment of motivation and objectives of liberals in the coalition government based on the dyad of idealism - pragmatism. Answering the question whether the decision of the Liberal Democrats to participate in a coalition government with the Conservatives was idealistic or pragmatic, the author argues that the motivation came from two sources. Idealism was provided by defense of electoral reform and several other elements of liberals' program (in the field of economic and European policy), pragmatism was showed by an electoral referendum and the number of ministries headed by the Liberal Democrats. If the measure of effectiveness in politics is to make itself the presence of liberals in the cabinet, five years of joint governance is proof of this. But if this measure would be the volume of support provided to the party, it's such a great outflow of voters which testifies to the failure. The article verifies hypothesis that the participation of the Liberal Democrats in government was a "tragic" decision from the beginning, taking into account the five-year period of rule by the coalition on the eve of the next election. ; Pięć lat wspólnych rządów Partii Konserwatywnej z Liberalnymi Demokratami skłania do dokonania bilansu, zwłaszcza tak nietypowego zjawiska w brytyjskiej polityce. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera ocenę motywacji i celów liberałów w koalicji rządowej w oparciu o diadę idealizm - pragmatyzm. Odpowiadając na pytanie, czy decyzja Liberalnych Demokratów o udziale w koalicji rządowej z Konserwatystami była idealistyczna czy pragmatyczna, autorka twierdzi, że motywacja pochodziła z obu źródeł. O idealizmie świadczy obrona reformy wyborczej i kilku innych elementów programu liberałów (w zakresie polityki gospodarczej czy europejskiej), o pragmatyzmie zaś przeprowadzenie referendum wyborczego czy liczba ministerstw kierowanych przez Liberalnych Demokratów. Jeśli miarą skuteczności w polityce uczynić samą obecność liberałów w gabinecie, to pięć lat wspólnych rządów jest tego dowodem. Jeśli zaś tę miarę stanowić miałaby wielkość udzielanego partii poparcia, to tak wielki odpływ wyborców świadczy o porażce. Artykuł weryfikuje hipotezę, że udział Liberalnych Demokratów w rządzie z Partią Konserwatywną był decyzją od początku "tragiczną", uwzględniając pięcioletni okres rządów koalicji w przededniu kolejnych wyborów.

The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government's existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe.

The article presents the evolution of the Ukrainian political thought through the analysis of the main elements of the two political doctrines – integral-nationalist and conservative-monarchical from the 20s and 30s. The author tries to prove that the political thought of Ukraine can be understood as the evolution of certain doctrines and political theories ie collective views on the political life of the Ukrainian society and the principles of coexistence among its members, and in the end will look at the power in the country, its political system, organization and function. ; W artykule przedstawiono ewolucję ukraińskiej myśli politycznej przez analizę głównych elementów dwóch doktryn politycznych – integralno-nacjonalistycznej i konserwatywno-monarchicznej z lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. Autor starał się udowodnić, że myśl polityczną Ukrainy można rozumieć jako ewolucję pewnych doktryn czy teorii politycznych, czyli zbiorowych poglądów na życie polityczne ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, a także zasady współżycia pomiędzy jego członkami, co w końcu pozwoli spojrzeć na władzę w państwie, jego ustrój, organizację i funkcję.