Suchergebnisse

Starting from the Carta aos Senhores Eleitores da Província de Minas Gerais of 1828, by Bernardo Vasconcelos, we present our understanding of the thought illustrated in Brazil, from the Inconfidência Mineira (1789) to the First Reign (1822-1840), and its implications with education. In this documentary source, analyzed under the theoretical reference of the history of concepts and their uses, by Reinhart Koselleck, we perceive the influences of the European Enlightenment in the repertoire of our political elite. We consider, partially, that thein confident Project maintained its continuity in Vasconcelos' discourse and actions, demonstrating that the school thought of in the Empire also meant a conservative centralization. ; A partir de la Carta aos Senhores Eleitores da Província de Minas Gerais de 1828, de Bernardo Vasconcelos, presentamos nuestra comprensión del pensamiento ilustrado en Brasil, desde la Inconfidencia Minera (1789) hasta el Primer Reinado (1822-1840), y sus implicaciones con la educación. En esta fuente documental, analizada bajo el marco teórico de la historia de los conceptos y sus usos, de Reinhart Koselleck, percibimos las influencias de la Ilustración Europea en el repertorio de nuestra élite política. Consideramos, en parte, que el proyecto inconfidente mantuvo su continuidad en el discurso y las acciones de Vasconcelos, demostrando que el pensamiento escolar en el Imperio también significaba una centralización conservadora. ; Partindo da Carta aos Senhores Eleitores da Província de Minas Gerais de 1828, de Bernardo Vasconcelos, apresentamos nossa compreensão sobre o pensamento ilustrado no Brasil, da Inconfidência Mineira (1789) ao Primeiro Reinado (1822-1840), e suas implicações com a educação. Nessa fonte documental, analisada sob o referencial teórico da história dos conceitos e de seus usos, de Reinhart Koselleck, percebemos as influências do iluminismo europeu no repertório de nossa elite política. Consideramos, parcialmente, que o projeto inconfidente manteve sua continuidade no discurso e nas ações de Vasconcelos demonstrando que a escola pensada no Império também significou uma centralização conservadora.

O momento de ataques à democracia e ruptura com políticas desenvolvidas pelos governos populares (2003-2016), no Brasil hoje, vem produzindo reverberações na política educacional e tem encontrado diversas resistências. Propomos neste texto, tratar das especificidades dessa forma de resistência que foi a realização da CONAPE, em maio de 2018, em Belo Horizonte. No desenvolvimento de nossa argumentação, primeiramente situamos o golpe e suas consequências no contexto do que chamamos de tsunami conservador transnacional que opera em diferentes dimensões e aspectos da vida social, em que vamos tratar das resistências em geral, e da CONAPE, em particular, apontando que a luta por um mundo justo e solidário não se deixa paralisar. ; The current scenario of attack on democracy and rupture with policies developed by popular governments (2003-2016) in Brazil has been producing reverberations in educational policies not without resistance. This article proposes to address the specific form of resistance that CONAPE (National Conference on Popular Education) held in May 2018. In the development of our argument, we first situate the coup and its consequences in the context of what we call a transnational conservative tsunami that operates in different dimensions and aspects of social life, in which we will deal with resistances in general, and CONAPE in particular, pointing that the struggle for a fair and solidarity world that does not allow itself to be paralyzed.

This paper examines how reforming literacy education has become a key policy priority for contemporary conservative political movements. In Brazil, a right-wing populist Federal Government has prioritized a shift to "phonics", while in the US and Australia conservative advocacy of phonics has resulted in policy changes over the past three decades. Phonics policy advocacy (PPA) is examined as part of a shift in the terrain of political debate towards control of cultural and educational institutions, championed by new types of policy coalition. Further, phonics policy advocacy (PPA) gains space as a result of transnational sharing of personnel, discourses and political strategy amongst conservative groups. The analysis points to connections between religious, traditionalist and neoliberal components of contemporary conservative policy advocacy. The discussion is based on examination of media reporting and policy statements, focusing on the Brazilian case, suggesting that commercial and ideological interests are particularly close in this setting, relative to other contexts that have been studied previously.

The presidential elections held in Uruguay in October and November 2019 defined the end of a period of three successive governments of the center-left party Frente Amplio and the arrival in government of a right-wing coalition led by the Partido Nacional. In education, the development of a conservative perspective, which is at the base of the educational proposals of the new government, began to develop in the height of the boom of the previous governments. The present article intends to analyze how this process of generating a conservative vision of education was taking shape in the last ten years through the presentation of the so-called "privately managed public education" as an alternative to public education. The theoretical perspective that informs the whole work is located from the logic of the political analysis of the discourse and the methodological approach is made from the consideration of documentary sources. Keywords: Education. Conservatism. Uruguay. ; Las elecciones presidenciales realizadas en Uruguay, en octubre y noviembre de 2019, definieron la finalización de un período de tres gobiernos sucesivos del partido de centro - izquierda Frente Amplio y la llegada al gobierno de una coalición de derechas liderada por el Partido Nacional. En el campo educativo, el desarrollo de una perspectiva conservadora, que está en la base de las propuestas educativas del nuevo gobierno, comenzó a desarrollarse en pleno período de auge de los gobiernos precedentes. El presente artículo pretende analizar cómo ese proceso de generación de una visión conservadora de la educación fue tomando forma en los últimos diez años a través, fundamentalmente, de la presentación de la llamada "educación pública de gestión privada" como una alternativa a la educación pública hegemonizada por el Estado. La perspectiva teórica que informa el conjunto del trabajo se ubica desde la lógica del análisis político del discurso y el abordaje metodológico se realiza a partir de la consideración de fuentes documentales. Palabras claves: Educación. Conservadurismo. Uruguay. ; Las elecciones presidenciales realizadas en Uruguay, en octubre y noviembre de 2019, definieron la finalización de un período de tres gobiernos sucesivos del partido de centro - izquierda Frente Amplio y la llegada al gobierno de una coalición de derechas liderada por el Partido Nacional. En el campo educativo, el desarrollo de una perspectiva conservadora, que está en la base de las propuestas educativas del nuevo gobierno, comenzó a desarrollarse en pleno período de auge de los gobiernos precedentes. El presente artículo pretende analizar cómo ese proceso de generación de una visión conservadora de la educación fue tomando forma en los últimos diez años a través, fundamentalmente, de la presentación de la llamada "educación pública de gestión privada" como una alternativa a la educación pública hegemonizada por el Estado. La perspectiva teórica que informa el conjunto del trabajo se ubica desde la lógica del análisis político del discurso y el abordaje metodológico se realiza a partir de la consideración de fuentes documentales. Palabras claves: Educación. Conservadurismo. Uruguay.

Os anos 1920 e 1930 são importantes para compreendermos e percebermos a organização do Estado e das relações entre capital e trabalho, bem como a construção de um pensamento educacional liberal. Na época, a educação despontava como uma preocupação das elites e dos governantes, seja nas discussões ocorridas no âmbito da Associação Brasileira de Educação (ABE), seja por meio das reformas educacionais dos Estados. A psicologia que se buscava consolidar no campo científico apresentava propostas para o campo da educação e do trabalho com a orientação e a formação dos futuros dirigentes e dirigidos. Foi nesse campo que Noemy Rudolfer teve relevante destaque ao pensar e agir em defesa da psicologia educacional e de suas variantes destinadas ao ambiente escolar, como a orientação profissional. Em ambos os domínios, ela pretendia colocar o homem certo no lugar certo. A ampliação do controle na esfera do trabalho e na escolha das carreiras no campo educacional objetivava instaurar a psicologia como ciência que habilmente evitaria os conflitos sociais. Rudolfer contribuiu para isso ao fortalecer e ampliar o campo a partir de sua atuação na divulgação e na aplicação da psicologia educacional e da orientação profissional no país, configurando uma modernização conservadora. A partir de sua produção e de sua trajetória, buscamos desvelar a colaboração de Rudolfer para a construção de tal pensamento no Brasil dos anos 1920/1930, quando se assumia um discurso modernizador. ; The 1920s/1930s are important to understand and perceive the organization of the State and the relations between capital and labor, as well as to construct a liberal educational thought. At the time, education was beginning to appear as a concern of the elites and of those in government, both in the discussions taking place within the Brazilian Education Association (ABE) and through the educational reforms of the States. Psychology, striving to consolidate itself within the scientific arena, offered proposals in the field of education and labor for the orientation and formation of future leaders and followers. It was within this scenario that Noemy Rudolfer played an important role by thinking and acting in defense of educational psychology and its variants, such as professional orientation, targeted at the school environment. In both domains, she intended to put the right man at the right place. The expansion of control in the realm of labor and career choice within the educational field aimed at establishing psychology as a science that would skillfully avoid social conflict. Rudolfer contributed to that project by strengthening and expanding the field through her activities in divulging and applying educational psychology and professional orientation in the country, thereby helping to shape a conservative modernization. Based on her production and trajectory, we seek here to reveal Rudolfer's contribution to the construction of such thinking in Brazil in the 1920s/1930s, when a modernizing discourse was being adopted.

This article will address public debate on abortion in Brazil, based on document research on the proceedings of Chamber of Deputies from 2015 to 2017. The research retrieved speeches and bills from the Chamber's web portal. I analyze stands regarding abortion and the type of arguments used as basis for the debate. I also examine representatives' profiles in terms of political party and religion. Different types or arguments were found: religious, legal, scientific or naturalizing. The main topics of debate were: consequences of Zika outbreak and two actions in Supreme Court, one claiming decriminalization in case of Zika, the other up to the 12th week pregnancy. Religious actors are the most engaged for right to life, trying to restrict legal abortion. The debate on abortion in the Chamber of Deputies in Brazil between 2015 and 2017: conservative agenda and resistance ; O artigo aborda o debate público sobre aborto no Brasil a partir de investigaçãodocumental realizada na Câmara de Deputados no Brasil nos anos de 2015 a 2017. Fez-se o levantamento de discursos e de proposições legislativas no portal da Câmara de Deputados. A pesquisa considera as posições acerca do aborto e o tipo de argumentação usada como fundamento. Também se examina o perfil dos deputados quanto a partido político e a pertencimento religioso. Foram identificados argumentos de caráter religioso, legal e científico ou naturalizante nos documentos analisados. Os principais tópicos de debate foram consequências da epidemia de Zika, além de duas ações no Supremo Tribunal Federal pleiteando a descriminalização do aborto, uma em caso de infecção por Zika, outra até a décima segunda semana de gestação. Constata-se o engajamento de atores religiosos, defensores do direito à vida, na restrição ao aborto legal. ; El artículo aborda el debate público sobre el aborto en Brasil a partir de la investigación documental realizada en la Cámara de Diputados en Brasil de 2015 a 2017. Se realizó la encuesta de discursos y propuestas legislativas en el portal de la Cámara de Diputados. La investigación considera las posiciones sobre el aborto y el tipo de argumento utilizado como base. También examina el perfil de los diputados con respecto al partido político y la pertenencia religiosa. Se identificaron argumentos religiosos, legales y científicos o de naturalización en los documentos analizados. Los principales temas de debate fueron las consecuencias de la epidemia de Zika, así como dos acciones en la Corte Suprema Federal que pedían la despenalización del aborto en caso de infección por Zika, otra hasta la duodécima semana de embarazo. Existe la participación de actores religiosos, defensores del derecho a la vida, en la restricción del aborto legal.

Considering that, in recent years, a conservative wave is being observed in Brazil that accompanies conservative movements around the world, it becomes important to study in a deeper way the neoconservative movement in the Brazilian educational scenario. This is the main purpose of this article. To do so, initially, a characterization of neoconservatism is made, based on studies by authors dealing with the US context. This first section also presents a brief history about the emergence of this movement. Soon after, some reasons are pointed out that justify the need for analyses on neoconservatives in Brazil. The article also has examples of some actions in the educational field that can be characterized as neoconservatives. We analyze the Non-Partisan School (ESP) movement, its main guidelines in relation to education, and the discussions about the National Curricular Common Base (BNCC), especially the issues related to what has been called gender ideology. The ESP and the BNCC are examined based on the theoretical conceptualization developed throughout the article, in articulation with the patterns and characteristics of the Brazilian neoconservative movement. It is concluded that, in the last years, there is a significant advance of neoconservative articulations in the political field and in the educational field. There is an insistent and intense action of neoconservatives in the elaboration of important documents of the Brazilian educational legislation. ; Tendo em vista que, nos últimos anos, vive-se no Brasil uma onda conservadora que acompanha movimentos conservadores ao redor do mundo, torna-se importante estudar de forma mais aprofundada o movimento neoconservador no cenário educacional brasileiro. Este é o objetivo principal deste artigo. Para tanto, inicialmente, faz-se uma caracterização do neoconservadorismo, a partir de estudos de autores que tratam do contexto estadunidense. Nessa primeira seção apresenta-se, ainda, um breve histórico sobre o surgimento deste movimento. Logo após, apontam-se algumas razões que justificam a necessidade de análises sobre os neoconservadores no Brasil. O artigo ainda conta com exemplos de algumas ações no campo educacional que podem ser caracterizadas como neoconservadoras. Analisam-se o movimento Escola sem Partido (ESP), suas principais pautas em relação à educação e as discussões acerca da Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC), especialmente as questões ligadas ao que tem sido denominado ideologia de gênero. Examinam-se o ESP e a BNCC a partir da conceituação teórica desenvolvida ao longo do artigo, em articulação com as pautas e características do movimento neoconservador brasileiro. Conclui-se que, nos últimos anos, há um significativo avanço das articulações neoconservadoras no campo político e no campo educacional. Constata-se uma atuação insistente e intensa dos neoconservadores na elaboração de importantes documentos da legislação educacional brasileira.

Objective: To present review on the book "Pedagogy of Autonomy: Knowledge Required for Educational Practice." Method: A critical analysis. Results: the book's central idea of teacher education permeated by reflection on educational practice in favor of autonomy be the students. Conclusion: The book is required reading in reverse and very important for all professionals who move in educational practice, whatever the political option educator: critical or conservative. ; Objective: To present review on the book "Pedagogy of Autonomy: Knowledge Required for Educational Practice." Method: A critical analysis. Results: the book's central idea of teacher education permeated by reflection on educational practice in favor of autonomy be the students. Conclusion: The book is required reading in reverse and very important for all professionals who move in educational practice, whatever the political option educator: critical or conservative.

This article analyzes the complex process that Latin American regionalism has experienced in the two decades of the 21st century and its current impasse. The first part of the paper discusses the era of post-hegemonic regionalism and its limitations. The second part contemplates the arrival of conservative governments and their impact on regionalist strategy, especially in South America. Finally, the response of the Latin American blocs to the Covid-19 pandemic is examined.

With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate. ; Com o esvaziamento da luta pelo socialismo e a ascensão do neoliberalismo, o campo da esquerda progressista tem sido criticado por tomar a questão identitária como principal motor das lutas sociais. A proposta deste trabalho é identificar e analisar o debate sobre as lutas por reconhecimento identitário na campanha eleitoral de 2018. Serão consideradas as polarizações sobre o tema entre os dois partidos localizados à esquerda do espectro político – PT e PSOL – em relação à campanha majoritária do campo localizado à direita, representada pelo PSL. A partir de suas posições em relação ao tema, explicitadas em uma rede social, pretende-se observar e problematizar os limites desses embates discursivos. ; With the rise of neoliberalism and the deflation of socialist perspective, the left-wing field has been criticized for taking the identity issue as its main engine for social struggles. This article aims to analyze this identitarian debate in the 2018 electoral campaign in Brazil. The polarization on the issue in the discourses of two left-wing parties will be considered – Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) – in relation to the discourses of the conservative party Partido Social Liberal (PSL). The intention is to observe those positions in a social network, noticing and problematizing the limits of the struggles for identity and recognition that guides the political debate.

The article aims to analyze the traditionally encrusted conservative discourses in Brazilian public opinion about the repressive actions of the police against not only the called marginality, but any movement of resistance to the arbitrary character of the State oblivious to the actually popular interests, showing that this position is created from the internalization of oppression in the society's very subjectivity, turning this State's official violence into something common. The article also brings as an agenda for discussion the importance of popular mobilization as a political mechanism of effective resistance to the authoritarianism of the State as a progressive process of awareness of the people about its potential citizenship.

In the last decade, demands for greater order and the defense of traditional moral values have grown in Brazil, within the scope of what authors have been calling the new Brazilian conservatism. Conservative and neoliberal leaders and religious groups stand out, acting on different front lines in politics and social relations, including education. From this context, the article aims to map the different manifestations, actions and agents of the new Brazilian conservatism in the educational field, through theoretical reflection and the construction of a conceptual map. Initially, we discuss different conservative currents, especially the new conservatism in the USA and its influences in Brazil. From Almeida (2017), we outline a conceptual map of the new conservatism in education, highlighting four lines of force: moral, economic, security and socially intolerant. They have connections among themselves and are articulated according to the interests of their defenders. On the educational front, they propagate a technical, banking and authoritarian vision of education, emphasizing the role of the family, restricting teachers' work and student autonomy. We conclude that these multiple lines of force lead to significant setbacks in the construction of plural educational proposals, affecting pedagogical practice, curricula and teacher education. ; En la última década, Brasil ha visto crecientes demandas por un mayor orden y la defensa de los valores morales tradicionales, en el contexto de lo que expertos han llamado el nuevo conservadurismo brasileño. Se destacan los líderes y grupos religiosos conservadores y neoliberales, que actúan en diferentes frentes en política y relaciones sociales, incluida la educación. Desde este contexto, el artículo pretende mapear las manifestaciones, acciones y agentes del nuevo conservadurismo brasileño en el campo educativo, a través de la reflexión teórica y la construcción de un mapa conceptual. Inicialmente, presentamos diferentes corrientes conservadoras, especialmente el nuevo ...

The text is part of a doctoral research process in education, and dialogues, in an essayistic manner, with themes such as the city, images, body and everyday affective crossings. These dialogues tension with education, history, daily life and other ways of thinking about the urban tangle, anchored in the cartographic method. Through formative processes experienced by the author, seek to evidence issues, concerns and discomforts that are still unstable, rehearsed in everyday life and outlined in thought and inventions. It argues that the power of creation and wandering in the city are insurgent ways of ruptures in the face of current conservative advances, paying attention to the exercise of otherness, inventiveness and experimentation, having as main references authors such as Michel Foucault, Suely Rolnik, Félix Guattari , Peter Pelbart, among others.

This discussion focuses on the cosmopolitan nature of Tel Aviv, the cultural & political realities of Israel, & the conflict between Israelis & Palestinians. Israel is a much more diverse nation than is commonly supposed, with TV stations broadcasting in Arabic & Russian, restaurants specializing in cuisines from around the world, & a population that hails from many different parts of the globe, with a great variety of cultural traditions. Specific topics surveyed include how the issues of globalization & diversity affect the Jewish state, the great contrasts between Israel's liberal urban areas & the more religiously conservative rural ones, Ariel Sharon's controversial policies regarding the occupied territories, the consequences of the victory of Hamas in the Palestinian elections, an analysis of the 2005 Israeli elections, & the potential new directions for the Israeli government in a post-Sharon era. R. Young