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An attempt is made to understand in a comparative perspective, the various dynamics involved in the functioning of marginalized women in panchayat raj in the context of reservations provided to these categories under 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1992. The reservation has been initiated in the country in the back-drop of illiteracy, male dominance, and caste predominance, deep-rooted cultural beliefs and values. The scholars in different studies pointed out that the reservation for marginalized women has not been made remarkable in roads in realizing the democratization of village governance. A large number of under-privileged women have been got elected to all tiers of PRI's through reservation. However, the quality of participation of women members in these PRI's is not satisfactory. Actually, how far they are effective in decision making are a pertinent question and how far the Schedule caste (SC) and Schedule Tribe (ST) women participate in the PRI's. The Study explored the role of reservation, awareness of Grama Panchayat, powers and functions and decision making with regard to the functions of S.C and S.T marginalized women panchayat members at grass roots grama panchayat governance. It also indicates pertinent observations regarding the limited and restricted political space given marginalized elected women in Grama panchayat politics. The present study is undertaken in the developed and under-developed mandals of( prakasam district of Andhra Pradesh in India) elected women of disadvantaged groups from political local body of Grama Panchayat. Besides, it also suggests suitable measures towards policy formulation for ensuring effective participation of marginalized women.

Women's participation in political processes is important to address gender inequality and strengthen democracy. In Indian context, to empower women and enable political participation, 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (1992) was introduced. Subsequently, many women entered politics. Though widespread proxy is reported, still a small proportion engages effectively in governmental participation (Hust, 2002; Mathew, 2003; Palanithurai, 2001). Studies also find female Dalit-headed panchayats are more active (Jayshree, 2010; Kalaiselvi, 2012). As the cultural norms, traditions and patriarchy are rigid, the paper attempts to examine what helps the women to be functional? Does social networks differ? Is there a link between social capital, by way of associationalism, and capacity for self governance as suggested by Putnam (1993) in the Indian context? Social capital is understood through social networks and membership in associations. Thirty-eight elected representatives of Panchayati Raj Institutions of southern Tamil Nadu, south India was interviewed in depth. Active members prominently belong to Dalit community and the social network of the elected active members is larger in size, heterogeneous in terms of age, gender and caste composition, and they are anchors themselves. They are primarily embedded in a web of political, caste and self-help group associations and have access to all women police stations, cooperative societies and political parties through family ties. The elected representative's mandatory membership in district Dalit federations provides safety-net in dealing with discrimination and atrocities while also intervening at the village-level panchayat. Dalit women who have the capacity to mobilize social capital emerge efficient in local self governance.

Abstract It has been shown that under the social security factor rule current contribution rates are insufficient to cover social security benefits, since the actuarially fair rates are 30.69% and 35.27% for men and women, respectively. However, if the social security reform were approved as submitted, the fair rates would be reduced to 22.25% and 21.60%, respectively. Besides the minimum age, part of this reduction is due to the proposed rules allowing pension values lower than the minimum wage. These results served the objective of this work, which was to compare the actuarially fair social security rates for the General Social Welfare Policy (GSWP), based on the social security factor rules and the minimum age proposal present in Proposed Constitutional Amendment n. 287/2016. The demographic changes that have taken place in Brazil in recent years raise questions about the sustainability of the national social security system and approving social security reform has been a government priority. Therefore, there is an undisputed need for an actuarial study that calculates actuarially fair rates and compares the current scenario with the reform proposals. Multiple decrement actuarial models were used to calculate the fair rates considering a standard family (25-year-old worker, spouse, and two children), in which the man is three years older than the woman. The IBGE 2015 Extrapolated (mortality) and Álvaro Vindas (disability) tables were adopted as biometric assumptions, and a real wage growth rate of 2% p.a. and real interest rate of 3% p.a. were used.

Abstract It has been shown that under the social security factor rule current contribution rates are insufficient to cover social security benefits, since the actuarially fair rates are 30.69% and 35.27% for men and women, respectively. However, if the social security reform were approved as submitted, the fair rates would be reduced to 22.25% and 21.60%, respectively. Besides the minimum age, part of this reduction is due to the proposed rules allowing pension values lower than the minimum wage. These results served the objective of this work, which was to compare the actuarially fair social security rates for the General Social Welfare Policy (GSWP), based on the social security factor rules and the minimum age proposal present in Proposed Constitutional Amendment n. 287/2016. The demographic changes that have taken place in Brazil in recent years raise questions about the sustainability of the national social security system and approving social security reform has been a government priority. Therefore, there is an undisputed need for an actuarial study that calculates actuarially fair rates and compares the current scenario with the reform proposals. Multiple decrement actuarial models were used to calculate the fair rates considering a standard family (25-year-old worker, spouse, and two children), in which the man is three years older than the woman. The IBGE 2015 Extrapolated (mortality) and Álvaro Vindas (disability) tables were adopted as biometric assumptions, and a real wage growth rate of 2% p.a. and real interest rate of 3% p.a. were used.

Electoral rights for Irish citizens abroad and for foreign residents have been a topic of political debate (less so of legislative reform) for at least fifty years. There is a long-standing demand that Irish emigrants be given some parliamentary representation, in either the upper house (Seanad Éireann) or the lower house (Dáil Éireann). The only electoral rights granted to Irish citizens not ordinarily resident in the State are the right to be elected to either house of parliament and, for graduates of certain universities within the State, a vote in the election of the Senators representing those universities. Elections to the European Parliament apart, in relation to the electoral rights of non-citizens ordinarily resident in Ireland, a sharp distinction exists between local elections (where all ordinarily resident in the State, irrespective of citizenship, have both active and passive electoral rights) and elections to Dáil Éireann, in which only Irish citizens have the right to be elected and only Irish citizens, British citizens (and, potentially, citizens of other European Union member states) have the right to vote. Wide extension of electoral rights in local elections has been uncontroversial and there was little opposition to the constitutional amendment in 1984 providing for the possibility of noncitizens voting in Dáil elections. Issues concerning the extension of electoral rights generally appear to provoke relatively little public interest; extending a form of postal voting to all prisoners in the State, irrespective of their crimes or the duration of their sentences attracted little public attention.

The res assesses the impact of alternate canvassing strategies carried out by students on behalf of a peace candidate in a 1970 senatorial campaign. The effects of these strategies, termed high-profile & low-profile contact, were measured by means of pretest & posttest telephone interviews conducted with a probability sample of registered voters in the canvassed areas. Canvassing produced changes in issue preference as anticipated, with the rated importance of the Vietnam War as an election issue increasing by 10 percentage points among persons contacted with the high profile approach. With respect to changes in candidate preference, paradoxical effects were evident for neighbors of persons contacted by high-profile & low-profile approaches. Whereas in general the low-profile approach elicited more favorable outcomes among persons in residences actually canvassed, neighbors of persons contacted by the high-profile approach exhibited the most favorable changes in candidate preference. Analysis of panel data from the 2 surveys revealed that persons expressing positive sentiments toward student canvassing were much more likely to change toward choosing the Vietnam War as the most important issue facing the nation than those having no opinion of student canvassing. Actual data from the subsequent election indicate that partisan division of the vote & voter, turnout were for the most part unaffected by the canvass which took place 6 weeks before the election. In contrast, support for a state constitutional amendment to lower the voting age to 18 increased dramatically from 1966 to 1970, compared to control areas of similar size & partisan composition that were not canvassed. AA.

American political theorists have long assumed that the various governmental units composing the United States act only in accordance with the powers bestowed upon them by constitutions and conforming laws of their respective jurisdictions. But in recent years they have received an electric shock through the development of "government by special consent." Basically, the new principle means that a supervisory authority can in reality exercise rights over persons and property not brought under its wing by the constitution under which it operates—provided certain public agencies or private parties agree to the extension. This practice, which has not yet received philosophical treatment, has enabled the several governments of the Union to conquer new worlds without resorting to the long, difficult, and unwieldy process of constitutional amendment. The novel method of transfer by agreement is both rapid and flexible. But why, one is led to inquire, do independent bodies surrender portions of their "sovereignty" to other groups? Certainly not through mere altruism. They do it "for value received," be it financial aid, convenience, advertising advantages, or other rewards. In all ages, from biblical days to the latest moment, birthrights have been sold for "pottage."Financial pottage needs no introduction to most American observers. They are well aware that various states in the Union, for example, have agreed to accept national control over their internal roads, educational affairs, forestry, agriculture, and other matters in exchange for monetary assistance from the federal government. Such transfers of authority for cash are of mutual benefit.

Short sessions are short enough—sixty-seven days of actual meetings in that of the Sixty-ninth Congress—but the public's memory is even shorter. It thinks of the recent session almost wholly in terms of the colorful Senate filibuster at the end and forgets that such occurrences are the rule rather than the exception in the short sessions of Congress. When Senator Reed of Pennsylvania was chided by Senator Pittman for "putting your will against the rest of the Senate," he replied: "As I have a right to do"; and he could point his rejoinder by recalling Mr. Pittman's own obstructive action at the termination of Congress two years before. The system itself invites congestion and obstruction. Rapping for order and snapping "sit down" (the printed proceedings do not record this but give the extinguished Pat Harrison's expiring lament, "Oh, it is a shame to spoil a good speech like this!"), Mr. Dawes snatched the last two minutes from the Senate in order to say that "the Chair regards the results of the present legislative session as primarily due to the defective rules of the Senate" (p. 5687) With equal logic, and perhaps more soundly, one may find in the situation on March 4 reasons for sharpening the question why the Norris constitutional amendment to change the scheme of congressional sessions, which passed the Senate on February 14, 1926, and which was favorably reported in the House within the same month, was not allowed to come to a vote.

Each reform process has some problems, mostly related to the gaps in its programming documents, since it is impossible to pay equally careful attention to all aspects that are reformed. Judicial reform is no exception. The latest event in the next stage of judicial reform is the entry into force of the Law of Ukraine of October 16, 2019 "On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine" On Judiciary and Status of Judges "and Some Laws of Ukraine on the Activity of Judicial Governments". It is stated that, as in the previous stage of judicial reform, at its present stage the most attention is drawn to the body, which heads the system of courts of general jurisdiction - the Supreme Court. It is recommended that more attention be given to the courts of first instance, which are the bodies that handle the largest number of cases in Ukraine. Almost every Head of State in Ukraine contributes to the development of the judicial system by proposing another stage of judicial reform. This reform has been going on almost continuously since the country's declaration of independence. Its necessity was initially prompted by the urgency of reforming the inherited Soviet judicial system. It is obvious that the judicial system of the anti-democratic state did not conform to the democratic regime and, later, to the constitutional values and principles of the Basic Law of 1996. The need for the last stages of this reform is justified by the desire to increase the level of trust in the judiciary. Each reform process has some problems, mostly related to the gaps in its programming documents, because it is impossible to pay equally careful attention to all aspects that are reformed. Judicial reform is no exception. ; У процесі проведення кожної реформи виникають певні проблеми, здебільшого пов'язані з прогалинами у її програмних документах, - адже неможливо приділити однаково прискіпливу увагу усім аспектам, які піддають реформуванню. Не є виключенням і судова реформа. Найновішою подією чергового етапу судової реформи є набуття чинності Законом України від 16 жовтня 2019 року «Про внесення змін до Закону України "Про судоустрій і статус суддів" та деяких законів України щодо діяльності органів суддівського врядування». Сформульовано, що, як і на попередньому етапі судової реформи, на її сучасному етапі найбільшу увагу привертає саме орган, який очолює систему судів загальної юрисдикції – Верховний Суд. Рекомендовано приділити більше уваги судам першої інстанції, що є органами, які вирішують найбільшу кількість справ в Україні. Майже кожний Глава держави в Україні робить свій внесок у розвиток судової системи, пропонуючи черговий етап судової реформи. Ця реформа триває майже безперервно з моменту проголошення незалежності країни. Її необхідність спочатку була викликана нагальністю реформування такої, що «дісталась» у спадок, радянської судової системи. Очевидно, що судова система антидемократичної держави не узгоджувалась з демократичним режимом, а пізніше – з конституційними цінностями та принципами Основного Закону України 1996 р. Необхідність останніх етапів цієї реформи обґрунтовується прагненням підвищити рівень довіри до органів судової влади. У процесі проведення кожної реформи виникають певні проблеми, здебільшого пов'язані з прогалинами у її програмних документах, - адже неможливо приділити однаково прискіпливу увагу усім аспектам, які піддають реформуванню. Не є виключенням і судова реформа.

The Supreme Court will bring the highest degree of clarity to the Internet freedom of speech debate if, in ACLU v. Reno, it sets forth the operative metaphor for freedom of speech and applies the metaphor in conjunction with an appropriate analogy for the technology.Part I of this Article discusses judicial decision-making tools with an emphasis on the use of analogy and the importance of applying legal precedents in a manner which is consistent and logical. Part I also discusses the use of metaphor in judicial decisionmaking and illustrates how operative metaphors for free speech have served to provide judges with guiding principles in applying the law. Part II of this Article discusses the use of analogical reasoning in cases involving technological media of communications. It points out that where courts do not analogize new technology to old, they fail in their decisionmaking capacity and therefore create confusing precedent. This Part concludes that, in determining the proper First Amendment treatment of new technologies, courts must apply the operative freedom of speech metaphor as well as determine the correct analogy for the technology. Part III of this Article examines the patchwork of laws which exist in First Amendment cases pertaining to technological media. This Part will explain the use of terms such as "spectrum scarcity" and "pervasiveness" which courts have used to rationalize different levels of governmental intrusion into speech. Part III will also look at the case of Denver Area Educational Technological Consortium v. FCC and argue that it is an illustration of the confusion that is created when courts fail to find technological analogies in free speech cases.Part IV of this Article addresses how courts can best understand the Internet. It lists metaphors which have developed for the Internet and explains how they can be considered by courts to help understand the technology from a user's perspective. Finally, this Part concludes that the Internet is most similar to the printing press for ...

A group of minors allegedly attacked a nine-year-old girl at a San Francisco beach and "artificially raped" her with a bottle. The minors attacked the girl after watching and discussing a television network movie that portrayed a similar rape. The victim sued the network, claiming that it was negligent in airing the program.' In Miami Beach, a teenage boy shot and killed his eighty-three- year-old neighbor. Following his conviction, the minor sued three television networks for damages, alleging that a decade of viewing extensive television violence had incited him to imitate the acts that he had seen. Nineteen-year-old John McCollum was listening to Ozzy Osbourne's "Speak of the Devil" album on his headphones when he shot himself in the head. The album included a song entitled "Suicide Solution." John's parents sued Osbourne and the record producer, alleging that Osbourne's music proximately caused John's death by preaching that life is filled with despair and suicide is the only way out. Public reaction to these unsuccessful lawsuits has sparked a new movement. Some state legislatures are passing statutes that restrict minors' access to violent video cassettes, books, and other forms of expression. Vendors of expressive material have challenged Missouri and Tennessee' violence statutes. Colorado recently has passed similar restrictions on the dissemination of such material despite the uncertain constitutional status of these regulations.'

In the past five years, public schools across the country have begun to explore a new avenue of fundraising: selling naming rights to school facilities. The popularity and monetary value of these sales, however, only highlight the importance of the First Amendment concerns they raise. This Article uses school naming rights as a lens through which to examine the conflicts between government speech, commercial speech, and forum analysis, three categories of First Amendment analysis that are simultaneously and problematically implicated by school naming rights sales. Courts and scholars have long noted the internal ambiguities within these three categories, but have not yet explored the sometimes irreconcilable conflicts among them. As the growth of school naming rights shows, government sponsorship arrangements collapse many of the artificial divisions between the First Amendment's categories and demonstrate the need for a better understanding of the categories' interactions. This Article identifies—and attempts to resolve—some of the border disputes between these poorly defined and increasingly important areas of First Amendment law.