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By the 2010s, the view that state mismanagement and inefficiencies underlay the Congo's economic malaise had become so commonplace as to permeate nearly all thinking about development in the country. The aim of this chapter is to challenge this line of thinking and question the Consensus wisdom of moving from domestic-owned to foreign-owned industrial mining based on a belief in the superior efficiency of the latter. By charting the rise and fall of Belgian-owned SOMINKI (1976-1997) and Canadian-owned Banro (1995-2019) in eastern Congo, its main line of argument is that foreign-owned and managed mining corporations are no less vulnerable to mismanagement, firm inefficiencies, and volatile prices than their state-owned counterparts. This included, in the case of Banro, rent-seeking behaviour, redirecting value to overseas directors and shareholders at the expense of productive capacity and to the detriment of the Congolese state and Congolese firms and labour.
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 177, S. 106527
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"The untold story of how efforts to hold big business accountable changed American capitalism. In this vivid and surprising history, we meet twentieth-century activists, investors, executives, and workers who fought over a simple question: Is the role of the corporation to deliver profits to shareholders, or something more? On one side were ""business statesmen"" who believed corporate largess could solve social problems. On the other were libertarian intellectuals such as Milton Friedman and his oft-forgotten contemporary, Henry Manne, whose theories justified the ruthless tactics of a growing class of corporate raiders. But Kyle Edward Williams reveals that before the ""activist investor"" emerged as a capitalist archetype, Civil Rights groups used a similar playbook for different ends, buying shares to change a company from within. As a rising tide of activists pushed corporations to account for societal harms from napalm to environmental pollution to inequitable hiring, a new idea emerged: that managers could maximize value for society while still turning a maximal profit. This elusive ideal, ""stakeholder capitalism,"" still dominates our headlines today. Williams's necessary history equips us to reconsider democracy's tangled relationship with capitalism.".
In: Fordham Law Legal Studies Research Paper No. 4709312
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In: U of Penn, Inst for Law & Econ Research Paper No. 24-05
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In: Society and economy: journal of the Corvinus University of Budapest, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 1-23
ISSN: 1588-970X
AbstractThis article explores the communication strategies of multinational corporations in response to the Russo-Ukrainian War and the public pressure to divest from the Russian domestic market. By content analyzing official statements from the top 50 revenue-generating multinational corporations in Russia, the article identifies patterns in corporate narratives about the war, their actions and concerns, and potential solutions. The findings reveal that most companies declare scaling down their presence in Russia while maintaining certain basic obligations, prioritizing employee safety, and expressing concerns about the global economy. While few explicitly condemn Russia's aggression, many adopt neutral language to avoid naming Russia as the aggressor. Corporations emphasize the importance of diplomacy, adherence to international law, and the pursuit of peace, but often avoid proposing concrete solutions. Despite variations across industries, countries of origin, and decisions to stay or leave Russia, the differences in statements were not significant. The uniformity of corporate statements and evidence that companies frequently do not follow their declared promises suggest potential "bluewashing" – making vague or false claims of social responsibility or anti-war stances to improve their public image. These findings emphasize the need for multinational corporations to develop sincere and original wartime communication strategies.
The aim of this chapter is to historically situate the case of mining in the Congo within its broader regional context. It is organized in three sections, each corresponding to a separate stage of the process that led to transnational mining corporations once again becoming the dominant force assuming ownership and management of industrial mining projects across the continent. The first stage involved a diagnosis of the economic challenges faced by African economies from the mid-1970s as due to misguided state intervention and government corruption. Based on this diagnosis, during the second stage, the IMF and the World Bank advocated for, financed, and in many instances directly oversaw the liberalization, privatization, and deregulation of mining sectors in low-income African economies. The third stage required criminalizing African miners involved in labour-intensive forms of production and, if required, forcibly displacing them to make way for the construction of capital-intensive, foreign corporate-owned mines.
In: Finance Research Letters, Forthcoming
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Blog: PolitiFact - Rulings and Stories
An 1871 law made the United States government a for-profit corporation.