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There is profound concern in large circles in Africa that the Cotonou Agreement obstructs African governments from supporting domestic production, and that the EU is splitting Africa in two by striking separate deals with different African regions. These perceptions are important considerations for those involved in the upcoming negotiations to replace the existing agreement.

With the Cotonou Agreement due to expire in 2020, formal negotiations towards a new partnership agreement between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states began in September 2018. Based on the acceptance of the EU's negotiating mandate, the new arrangement will be primarily organised via three specific regional protocols with each of the ACP regions. Meanwhile, the Joint Africa-EU Strategy (JAES) launched in 2007, has seen the African Union (AU) gain increased prominence as an institutional partner of the EU. Given its ambitious pan-African agenda, it adopted an alternative 'African' vision for future EU-ACP relations, to the mandate agreed by the ACP states and expressed a willingness to become directly involved in the negotiations. This article contributes an important new case-study to the existing literature on 'African agency' in international politics by considering the scope for Africa to exert agency within the post-Cotonou negotiations, given the negotiation of a specific regional compact with Africa. It adopts a structurally embedded view of agency, based on Cox's understanding of historical structures, as a fit between institutions, ideas and material relations. The central argument is that, in comparison to the negotiation of the Cotonou Agreement two decades ago, there is greater scope for African agency. However, both the ideational and material aspects of Africa's relationship with the EU, condition the limits to how effective such agency might be. Moreover, tensions at the institutional level between the ACP and AU further undermine the potential for effective African agency.

The EU is currently negotiating a successor to its Cotonou Agreement of year 2000 with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. The political and economic con­text has changed enormously over the past two decades, with trade relations between the EU and the more developed ACP countries now largely regulated by bilateral and regional Economic Partnership Agreements. Since 2015, in line with international sustainability targets, social and environmental aspects must be taken into account in international treaties, while in 2018 the African Union (AU) agreed to establish an African Continental Free Trade Area. A successor to Cotonou offers an opportunity to modernise the rules on issues including investment, services and migration. This could also generate greater interest in the talks in Germany and the EU. But the cooperation need to be placed on a new foundation and the African states will have to decide whether they want to negotiate together, as a continent.

"The African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group of States: From the Lomé Convention to the Cotonou Agreement and Beyond" published on by Oxford University Press.

The EU is currently negotiating a successor to its Cotonou Agreement of year 2000 with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. The political and economic con­text has changed enormously over the past two decades, with trade relations between the EU and the more developed ACP countries now largely regulated by bilateral and regional Economic Partnership Agreements. Since 2015, in line with international sustainability targets, social and environmental aspects must be taken into account in international treaties, while in 2018 the African Union (AU) agreed to establish an African Continental Free Trade Area. A successor to Cotonou offers an opportunity to modernise the rules on issues including investment, services and migration. This could also generate greater interest in the talks in Germany and the EU. But the cooperation need to be placed on a new foundation and the African states will have to decide whether they want to negotiate together, as a continent. (Autorenreferat)

The role of the Cotonou Agreement during the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States has been well studied. This paper analyses the inverse of this relationship, namely the legal and political implications of different possible outcomes of the upcoming post-Cotonou negotiations on the EPAs, following the expiry of the Cotonou Agreement in 2020. The EPAs include several cross-references to provisions in the Cotonou Agreement on development and human rights. This paper analyses the legal and political implications for the EPAs of possible negotiation outcomes, including combinations of regional or non-legally binding cooperation agreements. Its main conclusion is that a decision not to renew the Cotonou Agreement would have significant political implications but, contrary to the views of some EU stakeholders, limited legal implications for the EPAs.

Mit den Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) verändert die EU ihre grundlegende Entwicklungsstrategie mit den afrikanischen, karibischen, pazifischen (AKP) Staaten und setzt fortan auf Reziprozität der Handelsbeziehungen. Zur Herstellung von gleichwertigen Handelsbeziehungen verpflichten sich die AKP-Staaten, von denen die Mehrheit Entwicklungsländer sind, zur Abschaffung ihrer Zölle und somit zum Freihandel. Doch ist eine gleichwertige Handelspartnerschaft zwischen ungleichen Partnern tatsächlich sinnvoll? Oder gefährden diese Freihandelsziele die Entwicklungsziele, die im Cotonou-Abkommen mit den AKP-Staaten ganz im Geiste der Sustainability Goals der Vereinten Nationen vereinbart wurden? Dieser spannenden und hochaktuellen Frage wird in diesem Buch anhand ökonomischer und politikwissenschaftlicher Analyse mit dem Fokus auf allgemeiner Entwicklungsökonomie und Handelstheorie nachgegangen. Kamerun, ein Land, das in drei Klimazonen liegt, in dem über 200 verschiedene Ethnien leben und 287 unterschiedliche Sprachen gesprochen werden und das daher häufig als Afrika im Kleinen bezeichnet wird, ist ein ideales Land, um die besonderen entwicklungsspezifischen Bedürfnisse von Entwicklungsländern aufzuzeigen. Die wissenschaftlichen Themen der Entwicklungsökonomie und Handelstheorie werden folglich durch eine soziologische Analyse des Landes sowie eine ökonometrische Untersuchung zur Handelswirkung der bereits erfolgten Zollsenkungen empirisch und anschaulich behandelt. Das Buch richtet sich aufgrund der interdisziplinären Analyse an Wirtschaftswissenschaftler, Politikwissenschaftler, Soziologen, Entwicklungshelfer und Entwicklungspolitiker gleichermaßen. Zudem bietet es Forschern genügend Anreize und Implikationen zu weiterführenden spezifizierten Forschungen. Darüber hinaus bietet es jedem interessierten Leser ein grundlegendes Verständnis für Entwicklungsökonomie und konkreter vertraglicher Entwicklungspolitik zwischen der EU und Entwicklungsländern.

Po pristupanju EU-u, 13 novih država članica preuzelo je i tradicionalne međunarodne odnose 15 starih država članica, među koje svakako spada i politički složena, financijski izdašna i pravno obvezujuća suradnja s bivšim kolonijama u dalekim zemljama s kojima je kontakt, znanje i prisutnost za nove članice i dalje ograničen. U jeku rasprave o budućnosti odnosa između EU-a i zemalja Afrike, Kariba i Pacifika nakon isteka Sporazuma iz Cotonoua 2020. godine, kojim su ovi odnosi politički, gospodarski i razvojno uokvireni, ovim radom obuhvaćeni su postojeći modeli i nove mogućnosti suradnje, naročito u razvojnoj domeni, promatrajući pritom nekoliko prevladavajućih čimbenika – vanjski u pogledu nove globalne arhitekture, izazova i dionika; unutarnji u pogledu nove, proširene Europske unije; i inherentni u pogledu novog razvojnog alata EU-a, koji je obogaćen iskustvima demokratske tranzicije novih članica. Rad je posebno usredotočen na položaj i mogućnosti Hrvatske kao najnovije države članice sa svojim izazovima, prilikama i preporučenom ulogom u ovome procesu. Koristeći metodu indukcije rad je započet deskriptivnom analizom sastavnica Sporazuma iz Cotonoua kao trenutnog okvira za odnose između EU-a i AKP-a da bi bio nastavljen sintezom ključnih elemenata novog globalnog razvojnogkonteksta. Poseban naglasak pritom je stavljen na element proširenog EU-a. U konačnici, ishod opažanja iskorišten je za donošenje zaključaka i konkretnih preporuka u pogledu nastavka suradnje dva bloka država. ; Having acceded to the European Union, the new Member States, or the EU13, as they are commonly called, have also acquired the traditional relationships of the older Member States, the EU15. Among them, the politically complex, financially massive and legally binding cooperation with former colonies in a very often far away land where contact, knowledge and presence is limited. With a view to the emerging post-Cotonou discussions within the EU, this paper examines how the relationship, in particular the development cooperation, between the EU and the ACP group of states can be advanced, having regard to several factors such as, externally, the new global architecture, challenges and stakeholders, internally, the new enlarged EU constellation, and inherently, the new upgraded development toolbox, enriched with the relatively fresh experience of democratic transition of the new Member States. Furthermore, Croatia, as the newest EU's enhancement, is taken into a more focused elaboration, with its obvious challenges, revealing opportunities and recommended role. Using the induction method, the paper begins with the descriptive analysis of the components of the Cotonou Agreement as a present framework for EUACP relations. It continues with a synthesis of the key elements of the new global development context, with a special emphasis put on the element of the enlarged EU. Subsequently, the results of the observation are used to establish conclusions and concrete recommendations for future cooperation between the two blocks of states.

Derzeit verhandelt die EU mit den Staaten Afrikas, der Karibik und des Pazifiks (AKP) über ein Nachfolgeabkommen des seit 2000 geltenden Cotonou-Abkommens. Seither haben sich die politischen und ökonomischen Rahmenbedingungen sehr verändert. Die Handelsbeziehungen zwischen der EU und den weiter entwickelten AKP-Ländern werden überwiegend durch bilaterale und regionale Wirtschaftspartnerschafts­abkom­men geregelt. Seit 2015 müssen gemäß den internationalen Nachhaltigkeits­zielen Sozial- und Umweltaspekte auch in internationalen Verträgen berücksichtigt werden. 2018 wurde im Rahmen der Afrikanischen Union (AU) die Afrikanische Freihandelszone beschlossen, die einen freien Markt innerhalb Afrikas schaffen soll. Ein Cotonou-Folge­abkommen bietet die Chance für moderne Regelungen zu Themen wie Investi­tionen, Dienstleistungen und Migration. Dies könnte auch in Deutschland mehr Interesse an den Verhandlungen wecken. Allerdings müsste die Zusammenarbeit auf ein neues Fundament gestellt werden und die afrikanischen Staaten müs­sen sich entscheiden, ob sie gemeinsam, das heißt als Kontinent, verhandeln möchten. (Autorenreferat)

The European Union has a long history of relations with Africa and Africa has always been a strategic partner for the European Union. Today, however, the European Union's relations with Africa are at a crossroads and the partnership needs to undergo a profound and rapid change. In order to properly investigate this research problem and to address its research questions concerning the future of the EU-Africa partnership, it is demonstrated that the time has come for change and redefinition of the partnership. Therefore, the overall aim of the article is to provide an insight into the EU's new partnership with Africa, to explore its complex, fragmented nature and scope, actors, legal bases, constitutive elements and different ways both sides are going to present the new agreement to their respective constituencies. The way this research is pursued combines a number of methods. It involves textual analysis of primary sources – the instruments regulating the EU's relations with Africa, secondary sources, documentary analysis as well as comparative, contextual and historical analysis. The complexities facing the EU and its African partners encourage curiosity and reflection about the new partnership. The article strongly emphasizes that the EU-Africa partnership does not stand still. It is a process of ever closer partnership. It has evolved from a relatively limited scale into a comprehensive system of normative instruments and institutions. And it has bifurcated into EU-ACP and EU-AU partnerships and today both partnerships are being re-negotiated. The likelihood of the negotiations being completed successfully, optimistically, by the end of 2020, remains open. It is our overall conclusion and prediction that the EU-Africa partnership will be enhanced and move a step closer to an integrated, comprehensive partnership, an effective framework for EU-AU relations. ; Unia Europejska ma długą historię stosunków i strategicznego partnerstwa z Afryką. Dziś jednak stosunki Unii Europejskiej z Afryką są na rozdrożu, a ich partnerstwo musi ulec głębokiej i szybkiej transformacji. Aby właściwie zbadać ten problem badawczy i odpowiedzieć na pytania badawcze dotyczące przyszłości partnerstwa Unii Europejskiej z Afryką, artykuł dowodzi, że nadszedł czas na jego zmianę i redefinicję. Głównym celem tego artykułu jest identyfikacja nadrzędnych ram nowego partnerstwa UE z Afryką, analiza jego elementów konstytutywnych, złożonego charakteru i zakresu, aktorów, podstaw prawnych, i pozycji negocjacyjnych stron nowego partnerstwa. Badania prowadzono z wykorzystaniem wielu metod badawczych, przede wszystkim analizy tekstowej źródeł podstawowych – dokumentów regulujących stosunki UE z Afryką, literatury, analizy dokumentalnej, a także analizy porównawczej, kontekstualnej i historycznej. Trudności przed jakimi stoją negocjatorzy Unii Europejskiej i ich afrykańscy partnerzy, których oczekiwania są często dramatycznie rozbieżne, rodzą ciekawość i refleksję na temat nowego partnerstwa. Autorzy wychodzą z założenia, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką jest procesem i nie stoi w miejscu. Jest to proces coraz ściślejszego związku, który stopniowo przekształcił się w kompleksowy system instrumentów i instytucji i podzielił się na dwa równoległe partnerstwa – partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z państwami Afryki, Karaibów i Pacyfiku i partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską. Oba te partnerstwa są dzisiaj przedmiotem ponownych negocjacji, a prawdopodobieństwo pomyślnego zakończenia negocjacji do końca 2020 roku pozostaje zdaniem autorów pod znakiem zapytania. Niemniej jednak naszym ogólnym wnioskiem i prognozą jest, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką zostanie wzmocnione i zbliży się o krok do zintegrowanego, kompleksowego partnerstwa i skutecznych ram dla stosunków Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską.

The European Union has a long history of relations with Africa and Africa has always been a strategic partner for the European Union. Today, however, the European Union's relations with Africa are at a crossroads and the partnership needs to undergo a profound and rapid change. In order to properly investigate this research problem and to address its research questions concerning the future of the EU-Africa partnership, it is demonstrated that the time has come for change and redefinition of the partnership. Therefore, the overall aim of the article is to provide an insight into the EU's new partnership with Africa, to explore its complex, fragmented nature and scope, actors, legal bases, constitutive elements and different ways both sides are going to present the new agreement to their respective constituencies. The way this research is pursued combines a number of methods. It involves textual analysis of primary sources – the instruments regulating the EU's relations with Africa, secondary sources, documentary analysis as well as comparative, contextual and historical analysis. The complexities facing the EU and its African partners encourage curiosity and reflection about the new partnership. The article strongly emphasizes that the EU-Africa partnership does not stand still. It is a process of ever closer partnership. It has evolved from a relatively limited scale into a comprehensive system of normative instruments and institutions. And it has bifurcated into EU-ACP and EU-AU partnerships and today both partnerships are being re-negotiated. The likelihood of the negotiations being completed successfully, optimistically, by the end of 2020, remains open. It is our overall conclusion and prediction that the EU-Africa partnership will be enhanced and move a step closer to an integrated, comprehensive partnership, an effective framework for EU-AU relations. ; Unia Europejska ma długą historię stosunków i strategicznego partnerstwa z Afryką. Dziś jednak stosunki Unii Europejskiej z Afryką są na rozdrożu, a ich partnerstwo musi ulec głębokiej i szybkiej transformacji. Aby właściwie zbadać ten problem badawczy i odpowiedzieć na pytania badawcze dotyczące przyszłości partnerstwa Unii Europejskiej z Afryką, artykuł dowodzi, że nadszedł czas na jego zmianę i redefinicję. Głównym celem tego artykułu jest identyfikacja nadrzędnych ram nowego partnerstwa UE z Afryką, analiza jego elementów konstytutywnych, złożonego charakteru i zakresu, aktorów, podstaw prawnych, i pozycji negocjacyjnych stron nowego partnerstwa. Badania prowadzono z wykorzystaniem wielu metod badawczych, przede wszystkim analizy tekstowej źródeł podstawowych – dokumentów regulujących stosunki UE z Afryką, literatury, analizy dokumentalnej, a także analizy porównawczej, kontekstualnej i historycznej. Trudności przed jakimi stoją negocjatorzy Unii Europejskiej i ich afrykańscy partnerzy, których oczekiwania są często dramatycznie rozbieżne, rodzą ciekawość i refleksję na temat nowego partnerstwa. Autorzy wychodzą z założenia, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką jest procesem i nie stoi w miejscu. Jest to proces coraz ściślejszego związku, który stopniowo przekształcił się w kompleksowy system instrumentów i instytucji i podzielił się na dwa równoległe partnerstwa – partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z państwami Afryki, Karaibów i Pacyfiku i partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską. Oba te partnerstwa są dzisiaj przedmiotem ponownych negocjacji, a prawdopodobieństwo pomyślnego zakończenia negocjacji do końca 2020 roku pozostaje zdaniem autorów pod znakiem zapytania. Niemniej jednak naszym ogólnym wnioskiem i prognozą jest, że partnerstwo Unii Europejskiej z Afryką zostanie wzmocnione i zbliży się o krok do zintegrowanego, kompleksowego partnerstwa i skutecznych ram dla stosunków Unii Europejskiej z Unią Afrykańską.