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In 2000 the European Union and its 78 African-Caribbean-Pacific partners signed the Cotonou Agreement, heralding a new era in developmental politics. This comprehensive book draws attention to the limitations in the EU's approach to implementing pro-poor, environmentally sustainable development amongst its African-Caribbean-Pacific partners.

AbstractThis Policy Arena has two main objectives. First, it seeks to unravel how the partnership between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group has evolved since the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in 2000, including its 2005 and 2010 reviews and the implementation of its three key pillars (development cooperation, trade and political dialogue). Second, it explores the prospects of EU‐ACP relations in the medium to long term. In particular, it discusses whether the ACP‐EU cooperation framework is still relevant in the light of a number of global changes and, more specifically, whether the ACP configuration is still useful to its members. To address these issues, both the EU and the ACP Group have established two working groups. Within the ACP, voices are critical of the EU‐ACP partnership, but there appears to be more willingness to reform and renew it. Within the EU, the record of the Cotonou Agreement is seen more positively, but there seems to be less willingness to preserve it. The third review of the Cotonou Agreement to be finalised by 2015, and more generally its expiration in 2020, provides an opportunity – to which this Policy Arena seeks to contribute – to rethink the EU‐ACP cooperation model. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

We will argue in this article that there are a number of forces impacting the longstanding ACP-EU relationship that are altering the nature of the relationship in a fundamental way. We will first analyze the forces that make these changes inevitable. In section II we discuss the forces in the environment of the ACP-EU cooperation. In section III we will look at the effectiveness of the Lome model. Section IV will analyze the Cotonou Agreement, while section V will look at the implementation of the new agreement. Section VI summarizes & concludes. 3 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

The year 2003 marks a decisive step in strengthening the relations between the European Union and Cuba. On 8 January Mr Perez Roque, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Cuba, sent a formal request for accession to the Cotonou Agreement. In February, a European Commission Delegation opened in Havana. (Courier/DÜI)

The Cotonou Agreement represents a radical overhaul of EU-ACP relations: it both consolidates the EU-ACP relationship through political dialogue, and provides for the long-standing trade preferences to be replaced with regional free trade agreements. This analysis examines the various forces at work in the negotiations, using two-level game theory to assess how domestic interests influence an international negotiation. This analysis is set against the internal dynamic of EU-ACP relations, as well as the constraints posed by the multilateral trading system. Finally, the article examines the implications of this analysis for the forthcoming negotiations between the EU and regional ACP groups. (Journal of Common Market Studies / FUB)

Mit den Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) verändert die EU ihre grundlegende Entwicklungsstrategie mit den afrikanischen, karibischen, pazifischen (AKP) Staaten und setzt fortan auf Reziprozität der Handelsbeziehungen. Zur Herstellung von gleichwertigen Handelsbeziehungen verpflichten sich die AKP-Staaten, von denen die Mehrheit Entwicklungsländer sind, zur Abschaffung ihrer Zölle und somit zum Freihandel. Doch ist eine gleichwertige Handelspartnerschaft zwischen ungleichen Partnern tatsächlich sinnvoll? Oder gefährden diese Freihandelsziele die Entwicklungsziele, die im Cotonou-Abkommen mit den AKP-Staaten ganz im Geiste der Sustainability Goals der Vereinten Nationen vereinbart wurden? Dieser spannenden und hochaktuellen Frage wird in diesem Buch anhand ökonomischer und politikwissenschaftlicher Analyse mit dem Fokus auf allgemeiner Entwicklungsökonomie und Handelstheorie nachgegangen. Kamerun, ein Land, das in drei Klimazonen liegt, in dem über 200 verschiedene Ethnien leben und 287 unterschiedliche Sprachen gesprochen werden und das daher häufig als Afrika im Kleinen bezeichnet wird, ist ein ideales Land, um die besonderen entwicklungsspezifischen Bedürfnisse von Entwicklungsländern aufzuzeigen. Die wissenschaftlichen Themen der Entwicklungsökonomie und Handelstheorie werden folglich durch eine soziologische Analyse des Landes sowie eine ökonometrische Untersuchung zur Handelswirkung der bereits erfolgten Zollsenkungen empirisch und anschaulich behandelt. Das Buch richtet sich aufgrund der interdisziplinären Analyse an Wirtschaftswissenschaftler, Politikwissenschaftler, Soziologen, Entwicklungshelfer und Entwicklungspolitiker gleichermaßen. Zudem bietet es Forschern genügend Anreize und Implikationen zu weiterführenden spezifizierten Forschungen. Darüber hinaus bietet es jedem interessierten Leser ein grundlegendes Verständnis für Entwicklungsökonomie und konkreter vertraglicher Entwicklungspolitik zwischen der EU und Entwicklungsländern.

Introduction: This paper attempts to discuss the EU's external relations with the Developing World within the context of the Cotonou Agreement and the CFSP. While CFSP and Cotonou operate formally under distinct and autonomous mechanisms, it is argued here that despite this pillarisation of policy spheres and the narrow definition of EU foreign affairs, development policy forms a core element in EU foreign policy and is linked, consequently, to a broader understanding of CFSP. The paper falls into two parts: one locating the context within which EU development policy might be discussed; the other discussing the actual development policy reforms since 2000. Part one addresses a series of questions. First, the appropriate theoretical context for discussing EU development policy is debated. Second, the linkages between development policy and CFSP are examined. And third, the very basis of an EU development policy is considered in relation to the principle of subsidiarity. Part two examines the motivations behind the reform of EU development policy, discusses the central policy innovations proposed, and concludes by exploring the potential areas of future policy conflict that might arise. Undoubtedly, these are ambitious objectives in such a limited space: however, only by marrying the wider perspectives of CFSP, integration and subsidiarity with an empirical analysis of the Cotonou Agreement, can the topic be adequately contextualized. As the paper concludes, development policy does not stand in splendid isolation, but is part of the network of integration processes that shape EU policy and decision-making.