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AbstractThe official US attitude towards the prosecution of crimes against humanity and war crimes changed dramatically from the universality of Nuremberg to the exceptionalism of the Rome Treaty negotiation. This article argues that the history of US legal thinking indicates that both stances are the result of a conceptual battle between legal realism and legal idealism – strains of international legal thought that pose a battle of opposites which is never fully resolved into a coherent approach. Although Nuremberg would seem to illustrate the idealist extreme and the abstention from Rome the realist one, in fact both stances were the culmination of intense negotiation and argumentation between the two strains of thought.

In this probing analysis of the European Union's transnational legal system, Lisa Conant explores the interaction between law and politics. In particular, she challenges the widely held view that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has, through bold...

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Introduction to the Transaction Edition -- Notes to This Edition -- Editor's Introduction -- Preface to the German Edition -- Preface to the Third Russian Edition -- Preface to the Second Russian Edition -- Introduction: The Tasks of General Legal Theory -- 1. The Methods of Constructing the Concrete 65 in the Abstract Sciences -- 2. Ideology and Law -- 3. Norm and Relation -- 4. Commodity and Subject -- 5. Law and the State -- 6. Law and Morality -- 7. Law and the Violation of the Law -- Appendix: An Assessment by Karl Korsch -- Index

In this paper, we investigate how international law shapes leaders' decisions regarding the use of force in the context of territorial disputes. We argue that if the legal principles relevant to the dispute are capable of suggesting a focal point, international law will have a powerful role to play in informing leader behavior. Specifically, if a focal point exists, the state that it favors will avoid using force and prefer negotiations when considering an initial challenge to the status quo. However, we expect focal points to have the opposite effect once states are involved in a militarized dispute. Under these circumstances, the state with a legal advantage will be more likely to escalate the level of military force. Using a series of statistical tests, we find strong support for our theoretical argument. Adapted from the source document.

The following work provides an overview of various discussions on the Act Nr.20.084 and a critical review of the enforcement of criminal penalties contemplated in it.These aspects show not only the need of a legal reform but a change in the behaviour ofthe system's actors as well, based on respect and strengthening of the rights ofadolescents. ; El presente trabajo contiene tanto una descripción de una serie dediscusiones a que ha dado lugar la puesta en marcha de la Ley N° 20.084, cuanto uncomentario a la normativa de ejecución de penas de la misma ley. Ambos reflejan no sólola necesidad de correcciones legislativas a ese respecto, sino también un cambio en lacultura jurídica de los diversos actores del sistema, cimentada en el respeto yfortalecimiento de los derechos de los adolescentes.

In 2010, Portugal became the eighth country worldwide to approve same-sex civil marriage. Such legal change is a recent addition to the achievements that have put Portugal at the forefront of sexual citizenship rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Europe. This article investigates the political path of LGBT rights in this Southern European, majority Catholic, and post-dictatorship country, exploring the role of the Portuguese LGBT movement in contributing to change. This research highlights how the state is willing to compensate – via legal recognition – queer sexual encounters to the extent that they willingly embrace the dominant values of respectability and normalcy. In this respect, the approval of same-sex marriage offers the opportunity to discuss issues of agency, citizenship, recognition, and normativity. The paper begins by contextualizing sexual citizenship in democratic Portugal, providing an analytical account of the LGBT movement. In the second section, I suggest that a 'politics of containment' has characterized much of recent public discussion about sexual and reproductive rights, and I provide some examples. In the last section, I discuss the political and cultural implications of same-sex marriage law, with a particular focus on issues of normalization and homonationalism – that is how the state can actively contribute to the creation of the acceptable 'normal gay' with the compliance of LGBT activism.

Democratic and republican constitutionalism emphasize, since ancient times, the need for holding governance of public goods legally and democratically accountable in order to limit abuses of public and private powers and protect public goods through legislation, administration, adjudication, 'public reason' and 'republican virtues'. Globalization continues to transform national into transnational public goods and requires constituting, limiting, regulating and justifying multilevel governance institutions so as to transform the 'international law in the books' into multilevel legislative, administrative and judicial protection of transnational public goods. Even though all UN member states have accepted human rights obligations, global democracy is likely to remain a utopia for a long time. This contribution discusses the republican and cosmopolitan principles underlying UN and GATT/WTO law. The 'disconnected UN/WTO governance' needs to be limited by stronger republican and cosmopolitan rights to invoke and enforce human rights and economic agreements in domestic jurisdictions in order to strengthen the legal, democratic and judicial accountability of multilevel governance of transnational public goods and 'link local engagement' with mutually beneficial transnational cooperation among citizens. Comparative institutional analyses confirm that 'cosmopolitan international agreements' empowering citizens and decentralized treaty compliance procedures (e.g. in human rights, commercial, trade, investment and criminal law) have been more effective than 'Westphalian agreements' prioritizing foreign policy discretion of governments over rights and remedies of citizens.

Con base en el libro publicado en 2019, con Paz Francés y Lohitzune Zuloaga, "Mitos sobre delincuentes y víctimas. Argumentos contra la falsedad y la manipulación", se debatirá sobre la relación entre el concepto de posverdad y la política criminal actual. La posverdad puede definirse en relación con la menor influencia en la opinión pública de los hechos objetivos frente a las llamadas a la emoción o las creencias personales, particularmente las simplificadoras y excluyentes que generan, y ponen en marcha, fronteras interiores o mentales. En el libro aludido se parte de la hipótesis de que, en comparación con otros ámbitos, en el campo penal existen poderosos mitos sobre las personas que delinquen, contra las que se delinque y a quienes se aplica el proceso de criminalización. Es precisamente el análisis de esos mitos el que nos puede llevar a plantear mejor algunas preguntas en una sociedad marcada por la posverdad: ¿somos punitivistas?, ¿en qué medida el punitivismo es una ideología intangible y manipulable que produce resultados nefastos tangibles? Si no somos mayormente punitivistas, o incluso si lo somos, ¿no se está haciendo una política criminal contra la realidad y cuyos resultados son perjudiciales para el conjunto o la mayor parte de la sociedad?, ¿a quién beneficia una política punitivista?, y ¿cuál puede ser el papel de las personas que trabajan en el ámbito de la Criminología? ; Instituto andaluz interuniversitario de Criminología. Sección de Málaga.

During the last years Ukraine is in the state of permanent reformation of all the key spheres of society and state. This process of reformation concerns as well higher education; however, the main attention in this process is paid to reforming the legal education, which eventually remains the main object of changes. The substantial reformation of legal education was started by order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of January 27, 2016, No. 121-p «On conducting in 2016 as an experiment the entrance examinations during admission to studying for a Master of Laws Degree on the basis of Bachelor`s Degree in specialty 081«Law», with application of the organizational and technological processes of external independent evaluation». One cannot omit to mention the law in draft «On juridical (legal) education and the general access to legal profession», registered in Supreme Council on September 28, 2017.It is reasonable that one of the questions that have been raised while discussing this draft law in social networks was the question of social need for such law. After all, legal education is provided on the same basic principles as the other types of higher education. The peculiar features characteristic of it (there are not so many of them) can be properly regulated by by-laws. Otherwise, sooner or later, the question, concerning the legal regulation at the level of the law as well of the other types of educational activity in the other branches of education, will arise.The draft law provides some radical innovations that are ambiguously perceived by the legal community. First of all, there is a negative perception of introducing the overall Master's program for future lawyers. In the current conditions of legal education functioning, when the provisions of the Bologna Convention are implemented, the multi-degree principle of obtaining education creates the conditions for academic mobility of students, including the international exchanges for higher education. The draft law shows explicit hyperbolizing of both foreign experience and knowledge of foreign language during the conduct of educational activities. In particular, it is proposed to deliver at least two academic disciplines in one of the official languages of the Council of Europe. A logical question arises – what is the sense of delivering in foreign language the disciplines based on national legislation? When it goes about the need to study a foreign language, then it is obvious that this problem needs to be solved in another way. As well the requirement for educational institutions that at least one of the scientific and pedagogical workers shall have a Doctor of Laws Degree, obtained abroad, is unclear.One of the cornerstones of the proposed reform is the passing of a single state qualification exam by all graduates of the law schools. The draft law foresees that it is after the successful passing the respective exam graduate can obtain Master of Laws diploma of state sample. I think that after such innovation the value of obtaining legal education in classical universities with many years of traditions will be lost forever. The applicant will be oriented to obtaining the necessary quantity of credits in the easiest way, and for those students, who study for payment, as well in the cheapest way. After all, the status of the university, its long history, the existence of law schools, which were formed over decades, will not matter, since the main priority is to pass a single state exam.It is obvious that education should be permanently changed to some extent, as far as this sphere of society shall as quickly as possible react to changes in society itself. At the same time I should like to express hope that stability will finally prevail in the educational sphere, as one of the guarantees of ensuring the own national, but not the borrowed academic traditions. ; Початком істотного реформування юридичної освіти можна вважати розпорядження Кабінету Міністрів України № 121-р від 27 січня 2016 року «Про проведення у 2016 році як експерименту вступних випробувань під час вступу на основі ступеня бакалавра на нав­чання для здобуття ступеня магістра за спеціальністю 081 «Право» з використанням організаційно-технологічних процесів здійснення зовнішнього незалежного оцінювання». Не можна оминути увагою також і проект Закону «Про юридичну (правничу) освіту і загальний доступ до правничої професії», зареєстрований у Верховній Раді 28 вересня 2017 року.Проект закону передбачає кілька радикальних нововведень, які викликали неодно­значне сприйняття юридичною спільнотою. Перш за все, негативно сприймаються поло­ження про запровадження наскрізної магістерської програми для майбутніх правників. Адже в сучасних умовах функціонування юридичної освіти, коли реалізуються положення Болонської конвенції, ступеневість здобуття освіти створює умови для академічної мобільності студентів.Одним із наріжних каменів запропонованої реформи є складання всіма випускниками правничих шкіл єдиного державного кваліфікаційного іспиту.Очевидно, що освіта має тією чи іншою мірою зазнавати перманентних змін, адже ця сфера суспільства повинна максимально швидко реагувати на зміни самого суспільства. Водночас, хотілося би висловити надію, що врешті-решт і в освітній сфері запанує стабільність як одна із гарантій забезпечення власних національних, а не запозичених академічних традицій.