Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest analiza dochodów z mandatów i grzywien w polskich samorządach oraz weryfikacja hipotez na temat ich rzeczywistych przyczyn. Na podstawie stworzonego zbioru danych dochodów z mandatów w poszczególnych działach budżetowych 2474 gmin w Polsce w latach 2007–2017 zbadano zróżnicowanie wpływów z mandatów w poszczególnych gminach. Analiza danych wskazuje, że w Polsce istnieje grupa gmin, w których mandaty i grzywny stały się narzędziem polityki budżetowej i środkiem do generowania znacznych dochodów niepodatkowych. Wyniki estymacji modelu ekonometrycznego potwierdzają zależność między dochodami z mandatów a przestępczością, sytuacją makroekonomiczną oraz wydatkami na straż miejską lub straż gminną. Nie zaobserwowano spadku dochodów z mandatów przed wyborami samorządowymi. ; The aim of this article is to conduct an analysis of non-tax revenue from fines and tickets in Polish local governments and to verify hypotheses covering their real causes. On the basis of a created dataset of revenues from tickets in the relevant budget divisions of 2,474 counties in Poland in the 2007–2017 period, the diversity of revenues from tickets in Polish counties was examined. Data analysis indicates that there is a group of counties in Poland where tickets and fines became the instrument of budgetary policy and a way to generate significant non-tax revenue. The results of econometric model estimation confirm a dependency between revenue from tickets and crime, the macroeconomic situation and expenditures on municipal police. A fall of revenues from tickets before local elections was not observed.

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.

In Poland, similarly to other countries, there is no unambiguous agreed explanation to the reasons for the observed decline in crime. The article analyses the impact of video monitoring systems on losses caused by three categories of offenses: (a) car theft, theft with burglary, theft from cars; (b) damage to cars; (c) robbery. To answer the question whether the installation of video surveillance systems has an impact on security, the economic effect of installing cameras in eight Polish cities (Gdańsk, Katowice, Kielce, Lublin, Łódź, Poznań, Warszawa, Wrocław), where video surveillance systems are well developed, is examined. Determining whether the installation of cameras contributes to the reduction of losses caused by crime allows assessing the suitability of cameras for improving public safety. The study partially confirms the effectiveness of video monitoring systems for a decrease in crime in the analysed categories of crime. However, other possible factors, in addition to the development of monitoring, may have an impact. Moreover, the impact is less pronounced in the case of the volume of losses caused by crime than the number of crimes. Thus, when assessing public policies regarding security, the number of offenses criterion is insufficient.

There are about 2.2 million prisoners in the USA. It is generally viewed that this number is a result of a too severe penal system connected with the introduction of the absolute intolerance for drug crimes policy. But not only gang members and drug dealers are doing time in prison, this system also applies to war veterans. In 2012, there were 181,500 veterans behind bars, especially participants of the recent wars. Most of them face problems with addiction or struggle with permanent unemployment, homelessness or psychological disorders. This phenomenon is alarming because veterans as a privileged group have a social, medical, education cover and all capabilities not to break the law. Veterans as former soldiers, disciplined and well familiar with criminal law, who received ethics and international humanitarian law training courses, from practical point of view should not break the rules stated by the legal system. The image of former veterans who served their country, totally disagree with penitentiary statistics. Recent years have shown that military service, especially in the area of conflict, may become a double-edged sword, and in fact veterans may pose a threat to society.

The purpose of the article is to analyse the role of the public prosecutor's office as an institution that is specifically embedded in between certain elements of the political system, particularly between the executive and judiciary powers. For this reason, the public prosecutor's office can be regarded, together with courts, as an institution that aims to be actively involved in administering justice and an instrument of the executive power to guarantee internal security and to execute internal functions of the state. The public prosecutor's office, given its specific operation area, is expected to prosecute crimes effectively as well as safeguard the rule of law, which may be threatened by the infringing actions of not only individuals and criminal groups but also of officials and state institutions. Hence, with respect to the accountability of the public prosecutor's office, it should be more independent of the executive power which is subject to political rules. It appears, however, that separating it officially from the executive power does not have to lead automatically to the public prosecutor's office independence of political influence when other direct (the Prime Minister's and the Minister of Justice's authority over the Attorney General) and indirect mechanisms of prosecutors' political dependency (clientelism, politicisation and political bonds of prosecutors with politicians) exist.

The occurrence of various types of security and public order threats in the city implies the need for quick access to information. This, in turn, impacts both the objectives and means of implementing security policies not only on a macro-scale, but above all on a micro-scale - within municipalities, cities, neighbourhoods or settlements, i.e. in the im-mediate surroundings of residents. The prevention of such public problems as crime and delinquency undoubtedly requires the involvement not only of the state and its bodies but also of society, which is one of the basic premises of the community policing strategy. On the other hand, the introduction of modern solutions to improve the quality of life of res-idents is the basis of concepts such as smart city or resilient city. A tool that combines elements of the concepts mentioned above is the so-called "participatory crime maps," which provide residents not only with statistical data but also with the opportunity to inform each other about the dangers in their neighbourhood, which in turn is supposed to lead to a strengthening of social bonds. Hazard mapping also allows for better identification of existing problems and multi-stakeholder cooperation in combating them. This article attempts to answer the question: "how can a mobile application SafeTy be used to improve safety in the local environment?"

The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election

"The author intends to present legal socialization - the concept of the sociology of law - which describes attitudes to norms, law and law enforcement institutions. For law to be effective, any individual in a given community needs to internalize a number of values and attitudes. The attitude to law will influence its application; its effectiveness will depend on the perspective adopted by the legal norm addressees who could either accept binding regulations or ignore them. An adequate legal policy helps construe legal norms in a manner to prevent costs of interventions which need to be taken when law is not convergent with social expectations." (author's abstract)

The uncontrollable outbreak of piracy attacks off the Somali coast has lately made the East African coast the area where the majority of all global maritime crimes occur. Located in East Africa, Somalia borders one of the most important maritime communication routes on Earth: the Suez Canal – the Red Sea – the Gulf of Aden. EU states could be acutely affected by the disruption of sea trade in this area, therefore they have become actively involved in fighting piracy off the Somali coast. As a result of political, organizational and legal activity, the Council of the EU established the first maritime military operation under the auspices of the European Union – EUNAVFOR Somalia – Operation Atalanta. The efficient operation of EU naval forces, hundreds of miles from European shores would not have been possible had it not been for an extensive and comprehensive maritime policy. Not only has its implementation enabled the EU to chase pirates in the Somali basin, or helped bring any criminals detained before the courts, but is has also influenced countries outside the European Union.

The uncontrollable outbreak of piracy attacks off the Somali coast has lately made the East African coast the area where the majority of all global maritime crimes occur. Located in East Africa, Somalia borders one of the most important maritime communication routes on Earth: the Suez Canal – the Red Sea – the Gulf of Aden. EU states could be acutely affected by the disruption of sea trade in this area, therefore they have become actively involved in fighting piracy off the Somali coast. As a result of political, organizational and legal activity, the Council of the EU established the first maritime military operation under the auspices of the European Union – EUNAVFOR Somalia – Operation Atalanta. The efficient operation of EU naval forces, hundreds of miles from European shores would not have been possible had it not been for an extensive and comprehensive maritime policy. Not only has its implementation enabled the EU to chase pirates in the Somali basin, or helped bring any criminals detained before the courts, but is has also influenced countries outside the European Union.

The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo's national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.