Any study of the uses of elimination is necessarily an excursion into the darker regions of criminal policy. The eliminative ideal strives to solve present and emerging problems by getting rid of troublesome and disagreeable people with methods which are lawful and widely supported. Much of this article provides a historical overview of some of the most significant episodes of the potent and perennial pull of elimination, notably Britain's use of Australia and the island of South Andaman, France's involvement in New Caledonia and Guiana, and Russia's reliance upon Siberia. Rather more detailed attention is given to Germany between 1933 and 1938. This first phase of German concentration camps brought together many elements of the eliminative ideal, including an ever‐widening range of perceived internal enemies, but also the lip‐service paid by the authorities to legality and public legitimacy. Finally, reference is made to contemporary developments in California and, at least by implication, to Britain. The eliminative ideal sits all too comfortably with contemporary pressures for social exclusion and, invariably, its most explicit and brutal expression is to be found within the realm of criminal policy.
It is concluded that corruption is part of every society, whether it is developed or undeveloped, the question that arises is, what is the difference in these societies regarding level, while the fact of the existence of corruption as a phenomenon does not arise as a question at all. When we have this in mind, it is observed that the fight against this phenomenon must be permanent and without any compromise. Certainly, developed countries have better possibilities in fighting corruption in the sense of experience, methods and technologies that they possess, while developing and undeveloped countries remain to follow the best practices of these countries and greater political will of citizen to fight this phenomenon. It becomes even more complex when we consider that corruption as a phenomenon is very well connected with other crimes and especially it is not viewed separately from organized crime or money laundering, financial crimes or various forms of serious crime. Even more disturbing is the fact that corruption includes almost all spheres of society, including the private and public sectors, civil society. This creates bad opinion that somehow the whole society is corrupt. Forms used to express the corruption, are summarized as follows: provision, promise or giving of bribes to public officials; bribery of foreign officials; demand, accepting or receiving bribe by public officials; influence at work; aim to influence; Abuse of public property; misuse of office / position; bribery in the private sector; obstruction of justice. But this is not limited by all this, since the possibility remains to constantly "modernize" the forms of corruption. Efforts to define corruption as a phenomenon have been, and remain numerous, but we still do not have a single and accepted definition except the efforts to include as many more elements and forms of expression of this phenomenon. Thus, a comprehensive definition is given by the Civil Convention on Corruption, drafted by the Council of Europe. Under this Convention, "corruption" means requesting, offering, giving, receiving, directly or indirectly any bribe or other benefit, which will affect the proper conduct or behavior or the request towards certain behavior of the one who receives bribe, or whoever else benefits from it '. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2014.v3n3p252
In today's society, children have a special place and it is no longer the case that the child is considered a family property rather, the child is an individual with his or her personality and social status and the rights that society has for him/her. But what matters is whether the rights in our society are sufficient for children and just by telling them can it stabilize the child's position within society and save him from any attack? What should be accepted without question is that the answer is no. Because children need special rights and special protections because of their age and physical and intellectual weakness and if there is no executive guarantee to protect them, of course, not only will these rights not be respected, but they will also be violated and children who are more vulnerable than others suffer a lot. What this research specifically focuses on, a comprehensive review of child and adolescent protection law whereas, following the international obligations our country has committed to and adhered to in compliance with the convention on the rights of the child in 2000, it was approved by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in 2003. The author's attempt has been to under the pretext of reviewing and evaluating the aforementioned law, evading the existing penal regulations regarding the protection of children and adolescents in the Iranian penal system and thereby evaluate the weaknesses of the aforementioned laws and thus help the legislator to develop and enforce laws protecting certain vulnerable groups such as children.Keywords: Differential criminal policy; children; child abuse; victimization Mendukung Anak-Anak Korban Dalam Kebijakan Kriminal Legislatif Iran AbstrakDalam masyarakat sekarang ini, anak memiliki tempat khusus dan tidak lagi dianggap sebagai milik keluarga. Anak adalah individu dengan kepribadian dan status sosialnya tersendiri, serta memiliki hak-hak yang sama sebagaimana masyarakat pada umumnya. Tetapi yang terpenting adalah apakah hak-hak dalam masyarakat kita sudah cukup untuk melindungi anak-anak, dan hanya dengan memberi tahu mereka kemudian dapatkah hal itu menstabilkan posisi anak dalam masyarakat dan menyelamatkannya dari kejahatana apa pun? Pastinya, anak-anak membutuhkan hak dan perlindungan khusus, karena usia dan kelemahan fisik dan intelektual mereka. Jika tidak ada jaminan eksekutif untuk melindungi mereka, maka tentu saja hak-hak ini tidak hanya tidak dihormati, tetapi juga akan dilanggar. Fokus penelitian ini adalah tinjauan komprehensif terhadap undang-undang perlindungan anak dan remaja. Karena sesuai dengan kewajiban internasional, negara Iran telah berkomitmen dan taat menjalankan konvensi tentang hak-hak anak tahun 2000, dan telah disetujui oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Islam Iran pada tahun 2003.Upaya penulis adalah berupaya meninjau dan mengevaluasi undang-undang tersebut, serta menghindari peraturan pidana yang ada mengenai perlindungan anak dan remaja dalam sistem pidana Iran, serta mengevaluasi kelemahan hukum yang disebutkan dan membantu legislator untuk mengembangkan dan menegakkan hukum yang melindungi kelompok rentan tertentu seperti anak-anak.Kata kunci: Kebijakan pidana diferensial, anak, penganiayaan anak, viktimisasi Поддержка Пострадавших Детей В Законодательной Уголовной Политике В Иране АннотацияДети играют особую роль в сегодняшней культуре и больше не считаются семейной собственностью. Дети - это люди со своими личностными качествами и социальным положением, и они имеют те же привилегии, что и остальное общество. Но самый важный вопрос - адекватны ли права нашего общества, чтобы защитить их, и может ли закон стабилизировать статус ребенка в обществе и спасти его от какого-то преступления? Детям, конечно же, нужны особые привилегии в силу возраста, физической и интеллектуальной слабости. Если исполнительные органы не обещают защищать их, эти меры защиты не только будут отвергнуты, но и будут использоваться для злоупотреблений. Целью данного исследования является тщательное изучение законодательства, касающегося безопасности детей и подростков. Поскольку иранское государство согласилось принять Конвенцию о правах ребенка в 2000 году, а в 2003 году она была принята Исламской консультативной ассамблеей Ирана в соответствии с международными обязательствами. Автор пытается изучить и оценить эти правила, а также обойти действующее уголовное законодательство о безопасности детей и подростков в иранской уголовной системе, также оценить недостатки перечисленных законов и помочь законодателям в разработке и применении законов, которые смогли бы защищать маргинализированные группы, такие как дети.Ключевые слова: Дифференцированная Уголовная Политика, Дети, Жестокое Обращение С Детьми, Виктимизация.
Nordic criminal policy evaluation has unique features, such as ones related to policy context, policy content, and the availability of excellent register data. This paper briefly lays out these features and argues that the future of Nordic criminal policy evaluation could well lie in exploiting these features even more. It is argued that we should aim to tie criminal policy evaluation to social policy evaluation more broadly. And that we should aim to use policy evaluations to study margins of behavior rather than "just" measure average effects of reforms or policies. These aims will be hard to reach unless we think of and search for even better data than we already have.
Resumen: Una de las aspiraciones que la política criminal se encuentra llamada a concretar en pos de alcanzar el culmen de su misión es dotar de sustento a un Derecho Humano a la Seguridad más amplio. En clave con ello, ante un escenario delictivo multicausal y pluridimensional, debe abrirse a una lectura global de la conflictividad que posibilite medidas superadoras a problemáticas complejas. Es decir, respuestas integrales e integradoras de todas las franjas sociales expuestas a una inseguridad objetiva sin fronteras. Este iter investigativo partirá de un diagnóstico general sobre los prismas de la inseguridad; que comprenderá las manifestaciones de un proceso de deshumanización y una crisis de sentido abisal. Luego el estudio se ceñirá a dos realidades interpelantes, que son puntualmente la situación de los migrantes y la silente problemática de los adultos mayores. Como corolario, se destacará la significancia de procurar un desarrollo integral e integrador, a través del diálogo, la organicidad vital de todos los actores y un fortalecimiento del entretejido comunitario, todos presupuestos para alcanzar una auténtica concordia. ; Abstract: One of the aspirations that criminal policies are called to realize in order to achieve the highest level of its mission, is to provide a basis for a broader Human Right to Security. In tune with this, presented with a criminal scene that is multiple in its causes and dimensions, there must be a global approach to the conflict that allows for measures that address complex problems. This is, responses that are integral and integrate all people exposed to an objective, borderless state of insecurity. This article will start with a general diagnose about the prisms of insecurity; which will encompass the manifestations of a process of dehumanization and an abysmal crisis of meaning/purpose. Secondly, the analysis will be circumscribed to two urgent realities; the situation of migrants and the silent problematic of the elder population. As a corollary, there will be a highlight on the significance of striving for an integral and integrating development; through dialogue, an organic work carried out by all parties involved and a strengthening of the social tissue, all of which are requirements to achieve a real concord.
This paper examines the problem of criminalizing the distortion of historical memory. It largely concerns the Armenian Genocide carried out by the Ottoman Empire in 1915, as well as the events taking place during the Second World War. The work presents judicial practice of national courts and the European Court of Human Rights, which considered the material of such distortion. The authors study the criminal legislation of different countries providing for responsibility for the distortion of historical facts. The paper includes the results of Russian sociological studies on the need to introduce penal prohibitions for historical facts distortion. The findings of this research allowed the authors to conclude that it is advisable to contend with the phenomena under consideration through some social impact measures rather than with criminal legislation methods. Such measures are raising the legal culture of the population, increasing the number of academic hours dedicated to the problematic issues in the courses of history and social studies in educational institutions, organizing new and renovating and promoting existing museums and historical centers (especially such centers as "Khatyn", Auschwitz, Yad Vashem holocaust remembrance center in Israel, the Armenian Genocide Museum in Yerevan and others), providing open access to archive documents for not only scientists, but general public as well - by using modern means of communication.
The subject of this study is to examine the Iranian criminal policy approach to drug crimes in different aspects of legislative, judicial and executive matters. One of the major issues studied in medical law, crimes and drug offenses, peripheral issues, and its effects and outcomes. Countering and rational prevention of drug crimes is not possible without understanding and understanding the concept of criminal policy and their types. One of the dimensions of this policy is the formulation of criminal law and support for community health and the fight against high-risk behaviors against the health of the community. Instead of trying to eliminate the disadvantages of the criminal policy of drug crimes, Iran's criminal policy, more than anything else, seeks to eliminate the goals of the criminal policy of drug crime. Finding the causes and causes of drug production, distribution, import and export disturbances, relying on criminal policy related to drug crimes in the criminal justice system, changing the police force structure and forming a special drug police crime is one of the objectives of this research. The findings of this study indicate that Iran's criminal policy is low in drug offenses and its shortcomings. It also states that the Iranian criminal policy approach to combating drug offenses is a punishable, degrading and preventive approach while criminal policy must first and foremost be designed and planned for the long term.
For a long time, the Venezuelan democracy was an exception in South America due to a party system that was based on what was known as the 'Punto Fijo Pact'. At the start of the 1980s a series of economic, social and political events began to occur, which caused this 'exceptionalism' to stagger and disrupt the institutionality of the traditional Venezuelan democratic State. The events led to a deep national crisis and the birth of a new political era. By the end of the 1990s, there had been a significant shift towards left-wing governance. Hugo Chávez Frías subsequently won the presidential elections in 1998. This paper analyzes some aspects of the criminal policies that were implemented during the reign of left-wing leader Chávez till his death in 2013 and thereafter by Chavist party president elect, Nicolás Maduro during 2013-2014. Four stages can be identified in the behavior of incarceration rates. The first stage, from 1999 to 2000, was characterized by the lowest recordings of incarceration rates and the lowest measured percentage of preventive detention in Venezuela in thirty years. The second stage, from 2001 to 2005, saw a slight increase in the incarceration rate which then remained stable. The third stage, from 2006 to 2012, and the fourth stage, from 2013 to 2014, are characterized by sustained increases in preventive detention, incarceration and murder rates.
Acceleration in modern life requires acceleration, including acceleration on the highway. The accumulation of interests that are centralized on this highway creates a conflict of interest that ends in material loss or loss of life. Many road users do not realize that the legal consequences of negligence are categorized as criminal acts because they cause others to suffer. Legal politics the issuance of Law Number 22of 2009 concerning Road Traffic and Transportation as an embodiment of criminal policy to provide legal protection and legal certainty for citizens who are casualties of road traffic accidents. Through criminal policy, it is expected that there will be order, smoothness, security in road traffic and legal certainty and legal protection for road users.
