"This book draws together the insights of eminent academics and specialists to present an overview of past and present approaches to transnational policing throughout the Anglophone world. It aims to revitalize the study of transnational policing by showing that past and present developments in this field remain poorly understood, whilst also suggesting future avenues of research. Containing chapters on police history, police accountability, gendered hate crime in an increasingly online world, counter-radicalisation strategies being pursued around the world, internet-facilitated sex trafficking and changes in organised crime, amongst others, the authors adopt revisionist, orthodox and progressive views in order to challenge our understanding and appreciation of developments in transnational policing. All of the chapters in the book use policing models employed within the UK as either their focal point or as a point of comparison so that direct comparisons and contrasts can be examined. The Development of Transnational Policing illustrates distinctive and separate aspects of what remains an undoubtedly complex and dynamic field, but also forms an overview of developments and the dearth of academic research which surround them, in order hopefully to inspire researchers, policy-makers and practitioners alike"
ABSTRACTBased on Law No. 4 of 2009 Article 1 Paragraph (7) related to mining business licenses.Many illegal mining companies do not have permission to operate in Padang PariamanRegency. The problems raised in this study are (1) What factors influence the number ofillegal C mining excavators in Padang Pariaman Regency? (2) How is the non-reasoningeffort by the Padang Pariaman Regional Police in overcoming the crime of illegal C miningexcavation in Padang Pariaman Regency? (3) What is the non-reasoning policy that shouldbe carried out by the Padang Pariaman Regional Police to overcome the mining of illegal Cexcavations in Padang Pariaman Regency? This study useed a sociolegalapproach. the dataused were primary data and secondary data, collected by means of interviews and documentstudies, analyzed qualitatively. The results of the study show that the factors that cause illegalmining are economic factors, the perpetrators want to avoid the obligations that have beendetermined, the difficulty of obtaining a Mining Business License, the lack of socialization oflaws and regulations, and weak law enforcement. Second; The non-reasoning efforts carriedout by the Police in overcoming illegal rock mining are preventive by carrying out patrols,raids, routine security operations and providing socialization to the public about theimportance of creating security and ways to overcome illegal mining by placing banners /pamphlets. Non-criminal policy towards illegal / illegal mining crimes is to actively involvethe Nagari government and customary institutions in policy making at the Nagari level todeal with illegal mining by making nagari regulations.
A presente pesquisa objetiva realizar uma análise da atual política de drogas realizada nos países latino americanos, bem como demonstrar que as medidas adotadas contribuem para o aumento do aprisionamento feminino, pois ao privilegiarem uma atuação repressiva, autorizam o uso seletivo do direito penal, haja vista que o controle social exercido pela legislação penal recai sobre a mulher da camada social mais vulnerável e que desempenha as atividades de menor complexidade na cadeia do tráfico. Ademais, há intenção de relacionar o estudo de tais políticas e o agir das agências de controle a partir de uma interpretação da Criminologia Crítica, a qual, nesta temática, deverá se relacionar com uma Criminologia feminista. Derradeiramente, trata-se de demonstrar os dados do aprisionamento latino americano com ênfase nos três países com as maiores populações carcerárias da América Latina e suas conexões com os temas acima propostos. A pesquisa utiliza o método dedutivo, envolvendo a técnica de pesquisa da documentação indireta, pois o trabalho se baseia também em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, e como método de procedimento, o monográfico, ressaltando que as informações prisionais foram obtidas a partir dos relatórios do Institute for Criminal Policy Research (ICPR), bem como de relatórios nacionais dos países apontados.
В статье предлагается рассмотреть такую категорию, как противодействие преступности, являющуюся по мнению автора приоритетным направлением уголовной политики государства в сфере борьбы с преступностью, на современном этапе развития общества. Анализируется действующее законодательство, предусматривающее противодействие отдельным видам преступлений, как способ воздействия на преступность в целом. Изучаются понятия «предупреждение преступности», «профилактика преступности» и «борьба с преступностью», как системообразующие категории противодействия преступности. Предлагается комплексный подход к рассмотрению признаков «противодействия преступности», а также отмечается, что в целом меры воздействия на преступность образуют «систему противодействия преступности». Предлагается авторская позиция о структуре системы «противодействия преступности» в России. ; The article proposes to consider such a category as against crime, which is the author's opinion priority criminal policy of the state in the fight against crime, at the present stage of development of society. Analyzes current legislation that opposition individual types of crime as a way to impact on crime in general. The concepts of «crime prevention», «crime prevention» and «fight against crime» as systemically important category of fighting crime. Offers a comprehensive approach to treating signs of «fighting crime», and notes that in general, measures the impact on crime form a «system of fighting crime». The author's position on the structure of «fighting crime» in Russia.
This volume both problematizes and renders visible conceptions and norms regarding male behaviour and masculinities, showing how these affect the criminological field through providing a theoretically sound and clear gender perspective to this field of research. With sections based around the following three themes: negotiations of masculinity in institutional settings; vulnerable masculinities; and risk-taking and masculinities, this volume will be of interest to scholars of criminology, sociology, social work and gender studies, as well as policy-makers, and law enforcement professionals.
Over a period of 4 years (1997-2000), British Columbia (BC) experienced tremendous growth in the illicit production and distribution of domestically grown marijuana. By the close of 2000, each policing jurisdiction in BC had adopted a particular policy in response to grow operation proliferation. In summary, four policy responses were noted. First, some maintained the status quo wherein enforcement of police initiated investigations and citizens' tips continued, but with no additional resources specifically dedicated to grow operations. Second, some jurisdictions suspended the majority of investigation and enforcement of grow operations. Third, some agencies implemented or reinforced existing resource intensive drug squads, which focused on trafficking, sales and production of all types of drugs. Finally, some of the jurisdictions formed specialized tactical units known as "green teams" that focused solely on the enforcement of marijuana production. In this paper, we evaluate the effectiveness of green teams using a Geographic Information System (GIS) and difference-in-difference estimates. The results indicate that green teams decrease grow operations within their target area without significant displacement to surrounding areas. Adapted from the source document.
"The Politics of Prison Crowding investigates recent transformations in Italy's penal system to make the key analytical observation that conditions of overcrowding have become the 'new normal' under which the modern prison system continues to operate and deliver punishment. Engaging with the politics of crowding thus entails a direct and pertinent engagement with the modern state's politics of criminal justice and social control. Worldwide over the last decades, a growing number of jurisdictions have prison systems operating above or to the limit of their capacity, yet little attention has been paid to these elements in the analysis of prison politics and day-to-day function. By exploring the crowding issue, this book offers an original and interesting insight into the politics and dynamics characterising contemporary prison systems. The hypothesis of this study is that the politics of prison crowding have become the template for the daily administration of the prison system, which incorporates not just policy and rules but day-to-day functions and practices regulating life behind bars. Through interviews in modern Italian prisons, the book brings to light a radical redefinition of a carceral system that harshens the delivery of punishment while justifying this exacerbation of pain by adding new bureaucratic logic to the administration of the penal system within a narrative of compliance to human rights standards. By shedding new light on prison politics to open new critical perspectives and research paths, The Politics of Prison Crowding offers a fundamental tool to scholars, students and all professional policymakers and practitioners dealing with prison policies and the politics of justice"--
"The Politics of Prison Crowding investigates recent transformations in Italy's penal system to make the key analytical observation that conditions of overcrowding have become the 'new normal' under which the modern prison system continues to operate and deliver punishment. Engaging with the politics of crowding thus entails a direct and pertinent engagement with the modern state's politics of criminal justice and social control. Worldwide over the last decades, a growing number of jurisdictions have prison systems operating above or to the limit of their capacity, yet little attention has been paid to these elements in the analysis of prison politics and day-to-day function. By exploring the crowding issue, this book offers an original and interesting insight into the politics and dynamics characterising contemporary prison systems. The hypothesis of this study is that the politics of prison crowding have become the template for the daily administration of the prison system, which incorporates not just policy and rules but day-to-day functions and practices regulating life behind bars. Through interviews in modern Italian prisons, the book brings to light a radical redefinition of a carceral system that harshens the delivery of punishment while justifying this exacerbation of pain by adding new bureaucratic logic to the administration of the penal system within a narrative of compliance to human rights standards. By shedding new light on prison politics to open new critical perspectives and research paths, The Politics of Prison Crowding offers a fundamental tool to scholars, students and all professional policymakers and practitioners dealing with prison policies and the politics of justice"--
The subject. Historiography of the participation of the judicial authorities in mass repressions in Soviet Union in the 1930s-1950s.The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that the number of studies of the historical involvement of the judiciary in repression in recent years is increasing; researches cover more and more regions of the former USSR and help to create a complete picture of the special procedural law for political cases in Soviet Union in the 1930s-1950s.Methodology. The author uses historical legal method. The author analyses legal and historic literature, written by scientists who live in former USSR. Analysis of judicial statistics is used also.Results, scope of application. The history of the Soviet court remains the subject of active research interest at the present time. At the same time, special publications summarizing the entire body of scientific works on the participation of justice in mass repressions are not issued. A number of works on the history of the judicial authorities contain sections on the application of the rules of judicial procedure to political crimes. Currently, PhD theses, covering an increasing number of regions of Russia, are being defended actively. Unfortunately, some regional researchers are not familiar with the modern historiography of the judicial system and, therefore, repeats some of the conclusions that have been made before. Researchers are trying to formulate new approaches to assess the repressive policy of the Soviet state. For example, V. N. Karaman determines the repressions using political criterion. Researches that are not directly related to the history of judicial proceedings contain valuable information about the participation of courts in mass repressions often. Also, the group of researchers continues to develop the theme of rehabilitation of victims of political repression. New young researchers are emerging.We should also highlight a group of works on the historiography of mass repression. The appearance of such works is justified. A lot of research has accumulated for 70 years, which need to be generalized and systematized. Three of the PhD thesis, dedicated to the repression of the state security organs, five theses on the mass repressions, 14 theses on the camps during the war were defended during 1990-2010 years in SiberiaThe Russian-French seminars "Judicial political processes in the USSR and Communist countries of Europe: a comparative analysis of mechanisms and practices", held in 2009-2011, played an important role in summarizing the main problems of legal proceedings in political cases.Modern science continues to study various aspects of the application of criminal procedure for counter-revolutionary crimes. Scientists are exploring in detail the role of the j judicial authorities in conducting mass repressions in Soviet Union the 1930-1950s. Individual problems of political justice are considered in detail: types of political processes, rehabilitation procedures, official forgery, cassation on political affairs, etc. There are separate areas of activity of the judicial authorities, directed against certain groups of the population: military, intellectuals, party-soviet officials, peasants, etc. Regional studies continue to appear, reflecting the role of the judicial authorities in mass repressions.Conclusions. The judicial authorities are considered generally in the context of the activities of all repressive bodies in modern legal and historical scientific literature; researches cover more and more regions of the former USSR and may lead to a complete picture of the special procedural law in political cases in Soviet Union in the 1930s-1950s. ; Анализируются работы историков и правоведов, исследовавших роль органов правосудия при проведении массовых репрессий в 1930–1950-е гг. Отмечено, что учеными рассматриваются отдельные проблемы политического правосудия: типы политических процессов, процедуры реабилитации, служебные подлоги, кассация по политическим делам; выделяются направления деятельности органов юстиции, ориентированные против отдельных групп населения: военнослужащих, интеллигенции, партийно-советских чиновников, крестьян и т. д. Сделан вывод о том, что органы юстиции, как правило, рассматриваются в контексте деятельности всех репрессивных органов, а исследования охватывают все больше регионов, что должно привести к созданию полной картины специального процессуального права по политическим делам.
El Sistema de Responsabilidad Penal para Adolescentes fue creado en Colombia a través del Código de la Infancia y la Adolescencia en el 2006. Mediante esta normatividad se pretendía cumplir con la obligación internacional adquirida por la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño de adecuar la legislación interna a dichos parámetros. Dicha Convención en materia de control penal de adolescentes propuso un cambio que transforma radicalmente la concepción de los sujetos como incapaces, y que por lo tanto modifica la relación entre niñas, niños y adolescentes con la ley y las instituciones. En el ámbito local, dichas modificaciones son tildadas por algunos sectores de la ciudadanía y la opinión como garantistas, propiciadores de la impunidad y, en última instancia, responsables de la criminalidad de menores de edad. El ejercicio que se propone con este trabajo está dirigido a realizar una lectura situada de los procesos de construcción de estas nuevas instituciones de control social de adolescentes y de la reacción social de la ciudadanía y los distintos actores políticos que se encuentran inmersos en estos debates. Dicha lectura permite entender que no sólo la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño es tan garantista como abogan tanto sus defensores como sus opositores, sino también que las demandas punitivistas, por un lado, y las estructuras penales que se introducen de manera formal y vinculante por la Convención responden a distintos cambios sociales, culturales, políticos y económicos que han moldeado una nueva concepción del control social y de la juventud y la infancia. ; In 2006, the Colombian Childhood and Youth Law set up the System of Youth Criminal Justice. This legislation attempted to comply with the responsibility Colombia took on, when signing the Convention on the Rights of the Child, of adapting internal legislation to the international requirements established by this Convention. In terms of youth criminal control, the Convention radically changed the concept of children and youth as being objects of law to being capable subjects, therefore transforming the relationship between children and the youth with institutions. At the local level, some sectors of the public opinion consider this change as permissive and, for allowing greater levels of impunity, ultimately responsible for underage criminality. This work sets forth to study how these new institutions of social control have been built and the ways in which public opinion and key political actors involved in these debates have reacted to these processes. My work shows that the Convention is not as permissive as it has been stated by its detractors, or even as respectful of the youth's rights as it has been argued by its defenders. Moreover, it also shows that demands about punitivism and those new criminal structures introduced by the Convention are the result of social, cultural, political, and economic changes; this has led to a new conceptualization of social control in the contemporary period. ; Maestría ; Sociología y Política Criminal
Over the last decade, Community Policing (CP) secured a central place in Brazilian public security policy, challenging traditional policing modalities known more for their lethal violence than their efficacy. But as the CP model moved from wealthy societies to the Brazilian favela (urban slum), it faced far greater challenges. Tasked with displacing the deeply rooted authority of drug gangs, it sought to extend state authority territorially, as well as to curb criminal violence. Paradoxically, it succeeded at the latter without achieving the former. Drawing on evidence from the Rio de Janeiro's Pacifying Police Units and Bahia's Community Security Bases, this study asks how Brazil's CP programs achieved their goals of reducing violence without displacing criminal authority. I argue that a common interest among police and locally embedded drug gangs in limiting violence led to tacit arrangements between them to share authority as a condition of peace.Related ArticlesMoreno‐Jaimes, Carlos. 2011. "Is Local Spending Responsive to the Poor? An Appraisal of Resource Allocation and Electoral Rewards in Mexico." Politics & Policy 39 (6): 1021‐1052. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00328.xOndetti, Gabriel. 2008. "Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil." Politics & Policy 36 (4): 789‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00120.xSpalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38 (4): 789‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x
In: Journal committed to social change on race and ethnicity: JCSCORE : the journal of the National Conference on Race and Ethnicity in American Higher Education, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 102-133
The mid-sized southern city of Greensboro, North Carolina has not been spared from the crisis in policing gripping the United States. The city has a history of racial conflict and violence involving the police, most notably the 1979 Massacre where five anti-Klan protestors were killed by Neo-Nazi and Klan members. It is also the site of renowned movements for social justice; in 1961, four North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University freshmen sparked the Sit-In movement, and in 2005, the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the United States, which addressed the Massacre, took place in Greensboro. Through partnerships with activists, police, and other community members, the Justice and Policy Studies Department (JPS) at Guilford College works to strengthen police-community relations in Greensboro. The Quaker peace testimony, which calls for "taking away the occasion for violence," inspires and guides these efforts. This article explores the ways that JPS and its community partners prepare students to take away the occasion for violence in policing and the criminal justice system. Guilford's president, two JPS professors, a Deputy Chief of the Greensboro Police Department and a community organizer with the Beloved Community Center share their insights regarding this critical topic.
