The nationalist regime guarded the 1926 December 17 memory, and in the public space they presented only those memories that coincided with the formed discourse justifying the coup. Individual images of the coup, competing with and opposing the discourse, were pushed out of public discourse by means of censorship and condemnation of the author of unfavorable memories, through organizations loyal to and in favor of the regime. 1926 December 17 in the army was remembered with the help of images, in which the unity of the army and the President was actualized, the threat of the Bolsheviks and the transfer of power to A. Smetona were emphasized. The Union of Nationalists linked the legitimacy of the coup not only to the threat of the Bolsheviks, which remained an important highlight of the commemoration, but also to the opposition of the democratic period of the interwar Lithuania and the subsequent epoch after the coup. In the forties coup d'etat was legitimized by representing the government's achievements in foreign policy, education, social and cultural fields. The Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party favored the officers and the fact of the coup, therefore it contributed to the legitimacy of the coup. This attitude remained unchanged after the party found itself in opposition, although at that time moderate criticism of the nationalist regime had already begun.
The nationalist regime guarded the 1926 December 17 memory, and in the public space they presented only those memories that coincided with the formed discourse justifying the coup. Individual images of the coup, competing with and opposing the discourse, were pushed out of public discourse by means of censorship and condemnation of the author of unfavorable memories, through organizations loyal to and in favor of the regime. 1926 December 17 in the army was remembered with the help of images, in which the unity of the army and the President was actualized, the threat of the Bolsheviks and the transfer of power to A. Smetona were emphasized. The Union of Nationalists linked the legitimacy of the coup not only to the threat of the Bolsheviks, which remained an important highlight of the commemoration, but also to the opposition of the democratic period of the interwar Lithuania and the subsequent epoch after the coup. In the forties coup d'etat was legitimized by representing the government's achievements in foreign policy, education, social and cultural fields. The Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party favored the officers and the fact of the coup, therefore it contributed to the legitimacy of the coup. This attitude remained unchanged after the party found itself in opposition, although at that time moderate criticism of the nationalist regime had already begun.
The nationalist regime guarded the 1926 December 17 memory, and in the public space they presented only those memories that coincided with the formed discourse justifying the coup. Individual images of the coup, competing with and opposing the discourse, were pushed out of public discourse by means of censorship and condemnation of the author of unfavorable memories, through organizations loyal to and in favor of the regime. 1926 December 17 in the army was remembered with the help of images, in which the unity of the army and the President was actualized, the threat of the Bolsheviks and the transfer of power to A. Smetona were emphasized. The Union of Nationalists linked the legitimacy of the coup not only to the threat of the Bolsheviks, which remained an important highlight of the commemoration, but also to the opposition of the democratic period of the interwar Lithuania and the subsequent epoch after the coup. In the forties coup d'etat was legitimized by representing the government's achievements in foreign policy, education, social and cultural fields. The Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party favored the officers and the fact of the coup, therefore it contributed to the legitimacy of the coup. This attitude remained unchanged after the party found itself in opposition, although at that time moderate criticism of the nationalist regime had already begun.
The nationalist regime guarded the 1926 December 17 memory, and in the public space they presented only those memories that coincided with the formed discourse justifying the coup. Individual images of the coup, competing with and opposing the discourse, were pushed out of public discourse by means of censorship and condemnation of the author of unfavorable memories, through organizations loyal to and in favor of the regime. 1926 December 17 in the army was remembered with the help of images, in which the unity of the army and the President was actualized, the threat of the Bolsheviks and the transfer of power to A. Smetona were emphasized. The Union of Nationalists linked the legitimacy of the coup not only to the threat of the Bolsheviks, which remained an important highlight of the commemoration, but also to the opposition of the democratic period of the interwar Lithuania and the subsequent epoch after the coup. In the forties coup d'etat was legitimized by representing the government's achievements in foreign policy, education, social and cultural fields. The Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party favored the officers and the fact of the coup, therefore it contributed to the legitimacy of the coup. This attitude remained unchanged after the party found itself in opposition, although at that time moderate criticism of the nationalist regime had already begun.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
After coming to a new country, immigrants face social, political, economic, cultural and educational integration problems. Solution to these problems may be found by fostering the self-directed learning of immigrants in the community-based organizations. Therefore, research aim of the dissertation – to create a grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in community-based organizations on their path to integration into the host society. Created grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations in the context of the personal level includes specific parameters and their expressions – universality and transient effect. Parameters (preconditions, context, strategies, and results) of grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations at the personal level can be transferred essentially unaltered into the specific national context of education and integration policy. In the meantime, the grounded theory on immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations at the level of the organization covers the specific parameters with a characteristic of contextual nature. In order to transfer the grounded theory on the immigrants' self-directed learning at the level of organization to the specific organization and national context, the need to specify it in the specific context of the organization arises. Strategies of the self-directed learning reveal the innovation of this grounded theory – they are both essential ways for solving the problems of immigrants' integration and factors for the holistic growth and development of an individual.
After coming to a new country, immigrants face social, political, economic, cultural and educational integration problems. Solution to these problems may be found by fostering the self-directed learning of immigrants in the community-based organizations. Therefore, research aim of the dissertation – to create a grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in community-based organizations on their path to integration into the host society. Created grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations in the context of the personal level includes specific parameters and their expressions – universality and transient effect. Parameters (preconditions, context, strategies, and results) of grounded theory of immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations at the personal level can be transferred essentially unaltered into the specific national context of education and integration policy. In the meantime, the grounded theory on immigrants' self-directed learning in the community-based organizations at the level of the organization covers the specific parameters with a characteristic of contextual nature. In order to transfer the grounded theory on the immigrants' self-directed learning at the level of organization to the specific organization and national context, the need to specify it in the specific context of the organization arises. Strategies of the self-directed learning reveal the innovation of this grounded theory – they are both essential ways for solving the problems of immigrants' integration and factors for the holistic growth and development of an individual.
The topicality of the present paper emerged from the results which the current wave of emigration from Lithuania brings. It is unofficially stated that quarter of the Lithuanian nation lives abroad. The core issue of the diaspora of Lithuanians results in a distinguished generation growing in different than native cultural environments. To preserve those with the Lithuanian roots it is highly important to devote a pile of consistent measures, one of which is the national education abroad. The main problematic issue discussed under present thesis is the conflict between the approach of policy implementation and present demand of the Lithuanians in emigration: although the extent as well as approach of the emigration from Lithuania is exclusively westwards, the current national educational policy for the Lithuanians living abroad is continually concentrating on neighbouring or post-soviet countries. The main objective of the thesis was to identify the main problems of policy implementation and then, with the rational theoretical background of policy formation analysis, to check whether the main problems of policy implementation are formed or "programmed" while forming the policy. The analysis has proved the hypothesis of the thesis. To summarise the main aspects of the carried out analysis, the following conclusions can be drawn: firstly, although the key priorities are not determined in the policy analysed, the empirical analysis shows that there are clear priorities of support to the neighbouring Lithuanian communities abroad, and they are dominating in the policy of national education for Lithuanians living abroad. Secondly, the currently existing practise of financial support for the Lithuanian communities does not encourage the institution responsible for policy formation to consider the recent trends of emigration and the demand for national education of the newly established communities of Lithuanians abroad. The policy analysed does correspond to the factors determined in the theoretical background of agenda setting by Cobb and Elder; however, some of the factors being weakly pushed by the target groups do not influence the policy agenda. It results from the fixedly established procedures of decision making within the policy formation process, therefore only the old problems break through gatekeepers of formation. The analysis of decision taking shows that the policy formation body does not or does restrictedly follow the sequence "setting of goals-comparison of alternatives-choice" to be able to correspond to the needs and demand of the policy target group. To conclude, the aspects to be followed to improve the currently existing policy formation and implementation relation and to improve both of them, certain aspects need to be taken into consideration. Firstly, to reach the targets and to claim the demand of the target group, it is necessary to ensure their active participation into the policy formation process. Secondly, to reach the maximum results within the policy implementation process, the differentiation of the functions of implementing institutions including the consular apparatus is required. Finally, to ensure consistent funds to the educational initiatives to the Lithuanians abroad, new decisions have to be taken; as a springboard (especially within the case of emigration) it is recommended to consider the possibility of transfer of the school maintenance reform (called "learner funds") into the external educational institutions for Lithuanians.
The topicality of the present paper emerged from the results which the current wave of emigration from Lithuania brings. It is unofficially stated that quarter of the Lithuanian nation lives abroad. The core issue of the diaspora of Lithuanians results in a distinguished generation growing in different than native cultural environments. To preserve those with the Lithuanian roots it is highly important to devote a pile of consistent measures, one of which is the national education abroad. The main problematic issue discussed under present thesis is the conflict between the approach of policy implementation and present demand of the Lithuanians in emigration: although the extent as well as approach of the emigration from Lithuania is exclusively westwards, the current national educational policy for the Lithuanians living abroad is continually concentrating on neighbouring or post-soviet countries. The main objective of the thesis was to identify the main problems of policy implementation and then, with the rational theoretical background of policy formation analysis, to check whether the main problems of policy implementation are formed or "programmed" while forming the policy. The analysis has proved the hypothesis of the thesis. To summarise the main aspects of the carried out analysis, the following conclusions can be drawn: firstly, although the key priorities are not determined in the policy analysed, the empirical analysis shows that there are clear priorities of support to the neighbouring Lithuanian communities abroad, and they are dominating in the policy of national education for Lithuanians living abroad. Secondly, the currently existing practise of financial support for the Lithuanian communities does not encourage the institution responsible for policy formation to consider the recent trends of emigration and the demand for national education of the newly established communities of Lithuanians abroad. The policy analysed does correspond to the factors determined in the theoretical background of agenda setting by Cobb and Elder; however, some of the factors being weakly pushed by the target groups do not influence the policy agenda. It results from the fixedly established procedures of decision making within the policy formation process, therefore only the old problems break through gatekeepers of formation. The analysis of decision taking shows that the policy formation body does not or does restrictedly follow the sequence "setting of goals-comparison of alternatives-choice" to be able to correspond to the needs and demand of the policy target group. To conclude, the aspects to be followed to improve the currently existing policy formation and implementation relation and to improve both of them, certain aspects need to be taken into consideration. Firstly, to reach the targets and to claim the demand of the target group, it is necessary to ensure their active participation into the policy formation process. Secondly, to reach the maximum results within the policy implementation process, the differentiation of the functions of implementing institutions including the consular apparatus is required. Finally, to ensure consistent funds to the educational initiatives to the Lithuanians abroad, new decisions have to be taken; as a springboard (especially within the case of emigration) it is recommended to consider the possibility of transfer of the school maintenance reform (called "learner funds") into the external educational institutions for Lithuanians.
The work was made by Irma Kruckaite, Political sociology master's degree student of VPU Social sciences faculty Sociology and political sciences department. The subject of the work is young attitude towards national identity as a value and its conservation opportunities of globalization (Druskininkai town case). The director of the work is Dr. V. Senkus. The work size is 60 pages. The aim of work: explore what young people view about nationalism like value, what are the main factors affecting the formation of such an approach. For this purpose there were tasks raised: • Summarize the theoretical aspects of the concept of values. • An overview of the various sociological authors' interpretations about nationality. • To analyze the challenges of globalization for nationality. • Based on research results to establish how nationality is expressed and its preservation ways. Hypotheses of the research: 1. Nationality for young people today, is not a priority value – was proved. Young people understand what is nationality, but the general answer is perception that young people represent not emigration if feel safe in Lithuania. Young people need motivation, that nationality wasn't a burden but an asset to be transferred to their future generations. Nationality invaded the consciousness of people, the recovery of Lithuania's independence in 1990. But now it has spread dangerously overshadow people's material poverty, social vulnerability. Young people are a passive observer; they have simply run out of determination, as each election, promising a better life remains just promises. The talented youth gather foreign universities and to a career high in Lithuania. Frequent claims gladly stay at home. Unfortunately, our country is unable to detain them. 2. Youth opinion preservation of national identity is linked with wellbeing rise – was proved. Thus one can assume that those who can afford just to live people are concerned about the spirit of much less than affluent people. Responses felt that young families and young people today not emigration if feel safe in Lithuania. Based on data of Statistic Department for 2010 January – September emigrated 67.7 thousand countries population is 51.4 thousand more than last year same period. The main reason for this increase - immigrants to legalize their desire for the departure of the Republic of Lithuania Law on Health Insurance obligations lay down in permanent residents of the country to pay the mandatory health insurance premiums. The main purpose of immigration - work. 2009 more than 85 percent of the emigrants went to work abroad (2008 - 70 percent). Young people need motivation, that nationality wasn't a burden but an asset to be able to transfer their future generations. 3. Effective ways of promoting nationality is the psychological and economic. – was proved. It can be assumed that Lithuania, in particular, should ensure its citizens material well-being, to protect the rights of citizens, only to build a mature society cherishing national identity as an asset. The work consists of an introduction, theoretical part, which considers: the concept of values, judgments and interpretations of nationality and the challenges of globalization. The practical part presents a research and data analysis. Then there are represented final conclusions, a summary and the list of literature. In summary the theoretical part, globalization significantly changes the whole social context in structuring the personality, beliefs and values scale. On a global cultural universality is the possible merger into a single structure with specific tolerance individuality, diversity and other humanitarian values, to form a democratic political system. Collaborate and ethnic identity of the other one works, but does not eliminate far. National survival, they become the guarantor of the continuity of traditional ethnic culture is not alone, but by the state. It is the state's strength. It follows that it is the national character is the key link between the nation states. Therefore, we note that the community is based on nationalism. Nation history and people of self-concept and collective identity this is foundation of the nation cultural. Supranational integration into the structures, it is necessary to preserve and promote national culture, because this is only way to preserve national unity. It was formed by culture and fostering national and emotional ties connecting the community and the spiritual basis of life. Therefore, the state must maintain order, to enable citizens to prosperity, to ensure their safety, freedoms and rights. Thus, people of all age's qualitative interviews showed that nationality is perceived as the love of homeland, the Lithuanian language, culture and traditions. Nationality associated with the history of Lithuania and is closely associated with patriotism. Many of the respondents expressed concern about the future of nationality values in globalization situation. Worry about the displacement of the Lithuanian language, because this is one of the most important components of nationality. Interviews revealed the optimistic views of the Lithuanian national identity perspective. The Lithuanians are scattered around the world made available to other nations, to know where Lithuania is. However, it is noted that many respondents believe that as nationality like a values depends on the welfare state. Most of the respondents have a responsibility put to the government. How much less promising put citizens in public organizations. The prevailing opinion is that the state must take care of the nation in economic and spiritual well-being, secure environment, while motivate young people and their children proud of their country.
The work was made by Irma Kruckaite, Political sociology master's degree student of VPU Social sciences faculty Sociology and political sciences department. The subject of the work is young attitude towards national identity as a value and its conservation opportunities of globalization (Druskininkai town case). The director of the work is Dr. V. Senkus. The work size is 60 pages. The aim of work: explore what young people view about nationalism like value, what are the main factors affecting the formation of such an approach. For this purpose there were tasks raised: • Summarize the theoretical aspects of the concept of values. • An overview of the various sociological authors' interpretations about nationality. • To analyze the challenges of globalization for nationality. • Based on research results to establish how nationality is expressed and its preservation ways. Hypotheses of the research: 1. Nationality for young people today, is not a priority value – was proved. Young people understand what is nationality, but the general answer is perception that young people represent not emigration if feel safe in Lithuania. Young people need motivation, that nationality wasn't a burden but an asset to be transferred to their future generations. Nationality invaded the consciousness of people, the recovery of Lithuania's independence in 1990. But now it has spread dangerously overshadow people's material poverty, social vulnerability. Young people are a passive observer; they have simply run out of determination, as each election, promising a better life remains just promises. The talented youth gather foreign universities and to a career high in Lithuania. Frequent claims gladly stay at home. Unfortunately, our country is unable to detain them. 2. Youth opinion preservation of national identity is linked with wellbeing rise – was proved. Thus one can assume that those who can afford just to live people are concerned about the spirit of much less than affluent people. Responses felt that young families and young people today not emigration if feel safe in Lithuania. Based on data of Statistic Department for 2010 January – September emigrated 67.7 thousand countries population is 51.4 thousand more than last year same period. The main reason for this increase - immigrants to legalize their desire for the departure of the Republic of Lithuania Law on Health Insurance obligations lay down in permanent residents of the country to pay the mandatory health insurance premiums. The main purpose of immigration - work. 2009 more than 85 percent of the emigrants went to work abroad (2008 - 70 percent). Young people need motivation, that nationality wasn't a burden but an asset to be able to transfer their future generations. 3. Effective ways of promoting nationality is the psychological and economic. – was proved. It can be assumed that Lithuania, in particular, should ensure its citizens material well-being, to protect the rights of citizens, only to build a mature society cherishing national identity as an asset. The work consists of an introduction, theoretical part, which considers: the concept of values, judgments and interpretations of nationality and the challenges of globalization. The practical part presents a research and data analysis. Then there are represented final conclusions, a summary and the list of literature. In summary the theoretical part, globalization significantly changes the whole social context in structuring the personality, beliefs and values scale. On a global cultural universality is the possible merger into a single structure with specific tolerance individuality, diversity and other humanitarian values, to form a democratic political system. Collaborate and ethnic identity of the other one works, but does not eliminate far. National survival, they become the guarantor of the continuity of traditional ethnic culture is not alone, but by the state. It is the state's strength. It follows that it is the national character is the key link between the nation states. Therefore, we note that the community is based on nationalism. Nation history and people of self-concept and collective identity this is foundation of the nation cultural. Supranational integration into the structures, it is necessary to preserve and promote national culture, because this is only way to preserve national unity. It was formed by culture and fostering national and emotional ties connecting the community and the spiritual basis of life. Therefore, the state must maintain order, to enable citizens to prosperity, to ensure their safety, freedoms and rights. Thus, people of all age's qualitative interviews showed that nationality is perceived as the love of homeland, the Lithuanian language, culture and traditions. Nationality associated with the history of Lithuania and is closely associated with patriotism. Many of the respondents expressed concern about the future of nationality values in globalization situation. Worry about the displacement of the Lithuanian language, because this is one of the most important components of nationality. Interviews revealed the optimistic views of the Lithuanian national identity perspective. The Lithuanians are scattered around the world made available to other nations, to know where Lithuania is. However, it is noted that many respondents believe that as nationality like a values depends on the welfare state. Most of the respondents have a responsibility put to the government. How much less promising put citizens in public organizations. The prevailing opinion is that the state must take care of the nation in economic and spiritual well-being, secure environment, while motivate young people and their children proud of their country.
Magistro darbe yra nagrinėjama Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų veikla iš galios resursų teorinės perspektyvos. Galios resursų teorija teigia, jog profesinės sąjungos siekdamos kompensuoti savo turimos galios trūkumą, sieks aktyvaus bendradarbiavimo su kairiosiomis politinėmis partijomis, nes šis bendradarbiavimas leistų perkelti ekonominių klausimų sprendimą į politinį lygmenį. Šios temos aktualumą įrodo tai, jog Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų narystė ir padengimas kolektyvinėmis sutartimis yra vienas žemiausių Europoje, kas trukdo efektyviam darbuotojų interesų atstovavimo įgyvendinimui. Dėl kapitalo interesų dominavimo, visuomenėje vyraujančios apatijos ir susitaikymo su esama padėtimi, profesinės sąjungos susiduria su narių pritraukimo ir mobilizacijos problemomis. Galios pusiausvyros tarp skirtingų interesų grupių pasiekimas sukurtų palankią terpę lygiaverčiam socialiniam dialogui, kuris leistų padidinti darbuotojų gerovę. Kadangi profesinių sąjungų veikla siekia pagerinti darbuotojų ekonominę ir socialinę padėtį, pagrindinis šio darbo objektas yra Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų poveikis politinių sprendimų priėmimui, o darbo tikslas – nustatyti Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų poveikio politinių sprendimų priėmimui galimybes. Darbo tikslui pasiekti iškeliami šie darbo uždaviniai: (1) pristatyti galios resursų teorinę perspektyvą kaip klasinės analizės įrankį; (2) išskirti politinį profesinių sąjungų vaidmenį; (3) aptarti profesinių sąjungų veiklos specifiką Rytų ir Vidurio Europos šalyse ir Lietuvoje; (4) išskirti Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų veiklos kontekstų specifiką; (5) atlikti lyginamąją Lietuvos profesinių sąjungų veiklos kontekstų analizę. Siekiant išsiaiškinti profesinių sąjungų galimybes daryti poveikį politikoje, buvo sudarytas atviras klausimynas, kuris aprėpia keturis veiklos kontekstus: organizacinį, kultūrinį, institucinį, politinį. Klausimyno pagrindu buvo atlikti pusiau struktūruoti kokybiniai interviu su septynių profesinių sąjungų atstovais. Atlikus tyrimą paaiškėjo, jog didžiausia kliūtimi efektyviam darbuotojų interesų atstovavimui įvardijama kompetencijos, žmogiškųjų ir finansinių išteklių stoka. Todėl profesinės sąjungos nesugeba pasipriešinti verslo interesams. Dėl profesinių sąjungų noro išlaikyti autonomiją ir nepasitikėjimo politinėmis partijomis egzistuoja aukšta rizika būti pajungtiems verslo interesams, kurie dominuoja politikoje, todėl bendradarbiavimas su partijomis yra ribotas ir nesuteikia profesinėms sąjungoms galimybės kompensuoti savo galios trūkumo. ; This master thesis examines the activity of Lithuanian trade unions from theoretical perspective of power resources. Power resources theory argues that trade unions will seek active cooperation with left-wing political parties to compensate for their lack of power, as this cooperation would allow the transfer of economic issues to the political level. The relevance of this topic is proved by the fact that the membership of Lithuanian trade unions and coverage by collective agreements is one of the lowest in Europe, which hinders the effective implementation of the representation of employees' interests. Due to the prevalence of the interests of capital, combined with the apathy and resignation moods in society, trade unions face difficulties in attracting and mobilizing their own members. Achieving a balance of power between different interest groups would create a favorable environment for a broad and equal social dialogue, which would allow for an increase of well-being of workers. Considering that the activities of trade unions aim to improve the economic and social situation of the employees, the main object of this thesis is the influence of Lithuanian trade unions on political decision-making and the goal of this thesis is to determine the possibilities of Lithuanian trade unions influence on political decision-making. In order to achieve the goal of this thesis the following tasks are set: (1) to present the theoretical perspective of power resources as a tool of class analysis; (2) to distinguish the political role of trade unions; (3) to discuss the peculiarities of trade unions activity in Central and Eastern European countries and Lithuania; (4) to distinguish the peculiarities of Lithuanian trade union activity contexts; (5) to perform comparative analysis of Lithuanian trade union activity contexts. In order to find out how trade unions can influence politics, an open questionnaire was developed covering four operational contexts: organizational, cultural, institutional, political. Seven semi-structured qualitative interviews with trade union representatives were conducted. The study revealed that the lack of competence, human and financial resources is the biggest obstacle to effective representation of employees' interests, which prevents trade unions from resisting business interests. Due to the trade unions desire to maintain autonomy and distrust towards political parties, where they feel the risk of being subordinated to business interests that dominate politics, cooperation with political parties is limited and does not allow unions to compensate for their lack of power. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra