Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską.

Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government.

In the public discourse on issues of international security in the context of threats created by the Russian Federation, such threats are determined primarily by actions below the threshold of "war" (of a hybrid nature) and are made using non-military means, e.g. in relation to cyberspace. Actions of this nature are carried out by the aggressor's special services or groups of hackers and activists associated with them whose aim is to paralyse the functioning of the attacked state (its administration, critical infrastructure). Such activities are multilateral; activity is undertaken in many fields (social media, provocative events, establishing pro-Russian organizations, creating information portals) and is still escalating. The purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, is to identify the activities and assess the impact of Russian information warfare conducted by the Russian Federation in cyberspace in 2014 and 2022 on the security of Ukraine. The research used general-methodological research methods – primarily, analysis and critique of literature. The case study method was used to identify specific examples of information warfare used by the Russian Federation against selected countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Keywords: security, information warfare, cyberspace, Ukraine, Russian Federation Streszczenie: W dyskursie publicznym zagadnienia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w kontekście zagrożeń kreowanych przez Federację Rosyjską determinowane są przede wszystkim przez akcje z użyciem działań poniżej progu wojny (o charakterze hybrydowym) za pomocą środków niemilitarnych, m.in. w odniesieniu do cyberprzestrzeni. Działania o takim charakterze prowadzone są przez służby specjalne agresora lub powiązane z nimi grupy hakerów oraz aktywistów, których celem jest paraliżowanie funkcjonowania państwa atakowanego (jego administracji, infrastruktury krytycznej).

The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations. ; The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations.

In the article authors draws our attention to the gaps in understanding the complexities of modern warfare and extensive use of irregular forces. Russia is using new forms of war and resistance: open and secret terror, diversions and operations of underground groups, which include citizens from this region, soldiers and mercenaries from different countries. The main problem in the regulation of any hybrid warfare by international humanitarian law is that it focuses solely on the physical dimension of the conflict and its role is getting smaller – replaced by economic and informational war successfully used by Russia. Non-military activities used within the framework of hybrid conflicts are mainly aimed at the impact on the civilian population and the international community. Their task is to weaken the will of resistance, increase the level of discouragement and social discontent, which in turn will lead to the end of the conflict in accordance with the interests of the aggressor. We are witnessing such methods are being used against Ukraine as attrition warfare as well as the destruction of the psychological balance of the whole society. Not military methods, which are used by Russia against Ukraine are: political, social, humanitarian, economic and energy instruments; high activity of special services; new information technologies, including information attacks, offensive actions in cyberspace; multidirectional diplomacy.Key words: hybrid warfare; military actions; non-military methods of warfare; asymmetric threats. ; W artykule autorzy zwracają uwagę na braki w zrozumieniu złożoności współczesnej wojny oraz szerokie wykorzystanie nieregularnych sił zbrojnych. Rosja wykorzystuje nowe formy przeprowadzenia wojny i oporu: otwarty i tajny terror, dywersje i działania grup konspiracyjnych, do których wchodzą obywatele regionu, żołnierze i najemnicy z różnych państw. Głównym problemem w regulacji wojen hybrydowych międzynarodowym prawem humanitarnym jest to, że koncentruje się ono wyłącznie na fizycznym wymiarze konfliktu a jego rola jest coraz mniejsza – zastępują ją wojna gospodarcza i informacyjna, które Rosja z powodzeniem wykorzystuje. Działania niemilitarne wykorzystywane w ramach konfliktów hybrydowych mają na celu głównie oddziaływanie na ludność cywilną oraz społeczność międzynarodową. Ich zadaniem jest osłabianie woli oporu, zwiększanie poziomu zniechęcenia oraz niezadowolenia społecznego, co w rezultacie ma doprowadzić do zakończenia konfliktu zgodnie z interesem agresora. Jesteśmy świadkami tego, że w stosunku do Ukrainy stosuje się metody wojny na wyczerpanie, zniszczenie równowagi psychologicznej całego społeczeństwa. Metodami niemilitarnymi, które wykorzystuje Rosja w stosunku do Ukrainy są: szerokie zastosowanie politycznych, społecznych, humanitarnych, ekonomicznych, energetycznych instrumentów; duża aktywność służb specjalnych; nowe informacyjne technologie, w tym ataki informacyjne, działania ofensywne w cyberprzestrzeni; wielokierunkowe działania dyplomatyczne.Słowa kluczowe: wojna hybrydowa; działania militarne; pozamilitarnych metody prowadzenia wojny; zagrożenia asymetryczne. ; Автори звертають увагу на прогалини в розумінні складнощів сучасної війни із широким використанням нерегулярних сил. Росія використовує нові форми війни і опору: відкритий і секретний терор, диверсії та операції підпільних груп, сформованих з громадян цього регіону та солдатів і найманців з різних країн. Основною проблемою в регулюванні гібридної війни міжнародним гуманітарним правом є те, що ця війна зосереджена виключно на фізичному вимірі конфлікту, отож його роль стає все меншою. Натомість її замінено економічною та інформаційною війнами, що успішно використовує Росія. Використання невійськових методів у рамках гібридних конфліктів здебільшого спрямоване на цивільне населення і міжнародне співтовариство. Їхнє завдання полягає в тому, щоб послабити волю опору, підвищити рівень розчарування та соціального невдоволення, яке, своєю чергою, спровокує завершення конфлікту відповідно до інтересів агресора. Ми бачимо, що проти України використовують методи війни на виснаження, руйнування психологічної рівноваги всього суспільства. Hевійськові методи, які використовує Росія проти України, – це політичні, соціальні, гуманітарні, економічні та енергетичні інструменти; висока активність спецслужб; нові інформаційні технології, в тому числі інформаційні атаки, наступальні дії в кіберпросторі; різностороння дипломатія.Ключові слова: гібридна війна; військові дії; невійськові методи ведення війни; асиметричні загрози.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

In theory, the art of war can meet different approach to the characteristics of the phenomenon of war and peace. Until recently the phenomenon of war and peace could be compared to a magnet, creating a single entity, but having two opposite poles. The new realities of social, economic, political and military relationships between the phenomena of war and peace can be compared to the spectrum of visible light, where peace and war still represent opposite poles, but in between there is the phenomenon (concept) intermediate. Study aims to analyze the situation in the Persian Gulf in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. The first presents the results of research on the origin of the conflict and the assumed political and military objectives. In the second, the conclusions of the Iraqi Freedom operation have been formulated in the context of the goals achieved and their impact on peace-building in the Gulf region. In the last one, an attempt was made to answer the question whether the military intervention of coalition forces in Iraq has led to a solution of the crisis, or rather it has been the beginning of the current problems Europe is facing. ; W teorii operacji wojskowych, sztuce wojennej oraz naukach politycznych można spotkać różne podejścia do pokoju i wojny. Do niedawna jeszcze oba zjawiska porównywano do magnesu, tworzącego jedną całość, posiadającego jednak dwa przeciwstawne bieguny. W nowych realiach społecznych, ekonomicznych, politycznych i militarnych wzajemne relacje pomiędzy wojną i pokojem można porównać do widma światła widzialnego, gdzie oba nadal stanowią przeciwstawne bieguny, ale pomiędzy nimi pojawiły się zjawiska (pojęcia) pośrednie. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji konfliktowej w Zatoce Perskiej w XXI. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących genezy konfliktu oraz zakładanych celów politycznych i militarnych. W drugiej, sformułowano wnioski z przeprowadzonej operacji Iracka Wolność, w kontekście sposobów osiągania tychże celów i ich wpływu na kształtowanie pokoju w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. W ostatniej, zaprezentowano próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy interwencja zbrojna sił koalicyjnych w I raku doprowadziła do rozwiązania kryzysu, czy raczej stała się początkiem obecnych problemów z jakimi zmaga się Europa.

This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union's military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union's priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities' efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland's foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland's approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union's military missions. ; This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union's military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union's priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities' efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland's foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland's approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union's military missions.

Artykuł dotyczy rozwoju polityki bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej, od chwili jej powstania do 2014 r. W ramach tej polityki próbowano także pozyskać zdolności wojskowe, niezbędne do zbudowania systemu reagowania kryzysowego. Dokonywało się to na zasadzie pełnej dobrowolności, a w związku z tym wszystkie Państwa Członkowskie UE kierowały się głównie interesami narodowymi. W ramach Europejskiej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony, przemianowanej w Traktacie lizbońskim na Wspólną Politykę Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej, zrealizowano dwa tzw. Cele Zasadnicze/Operacyjne. Pierwszy z nich został ogłoszony w grudniu 1999 r. w Helsinkach i zrealizowany do końca 2003. Europejski Cel Zasadniczy/Operacyjny 2010 miał na celu doskonalenie zdolności wojskowych, w tym zbudowanie sił szybkiego reagowania pod nazwą Grup Bojowych UE. Zorganizowano i przeszkolono ok. 15 takich jednostek, ale dotychczas żadna z nich nie została skierowana do działań w rejonie kryzysu. Polska należy do aktywnych uczestników WPBiO UE i dotychczas zorganizowała trzy grupy bojowe o składzie wielonarodowym. Dwie spośród nich pełniły dyżury 2010 r. i 2013 r. Kolejna grupa pod polskim dowództwem jest przewidziana w harmonogramie dyżurów na rok 2016 r., ale mało prawdopodobne jest wykorzystanie jej do realnych działań. Temat zdolności wojskowych nie należy do priorytetowych zadań Unii Europejskiej. ; The paper concerns the development of the European Union's security policy, from its beginnings to 2014. The framework of this policy also served the purpose of developing the military capacities that are necessary to establish an emergency response system. The principle of totally voluntary participation has always operated in this respect, therefore all EU member states have mainly been concerned with their national interests. Under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDF), renamed in the Lisbon Treaty as the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) for the European Union, two Headline Goals have been achieved. One was announced in Helsinki, in 1999, and achieved by the end of 2003. The European Headline Goal 2010 involved the improvement of military capability, including rapid response forces, named EU Battle Groups. Around fifteen units have been organised and trained, none of which, however, has been deployed in a crisis region so far. Poland is among the active participants of the CSDP and has organised three multinational battle groups. Two of them were on duty in 2010 and 2013. Another group under Polish command is scheduled to be on duty in 2016, but it is not likely to participate in real action. The issue of military capability is not a priority for the European Union. ; 8 ; 105 ; 120 ; 8 ; Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

Participation in operations abroad is an important instrument of the State's security policy as well as foreign policy, which can impact on the international security. In addition to the implementation of the political, national and strategic objectives, engagement of Polish Armed Forces (PAF) in operations also results in gathering new experiences, enabling the improvement of existing and acquisition of new operational capabilities. This is particularly true of emergency response capabilities and conducting combat operations with unequal military strengths, which include factors such as: training, quality of human resources, weapons and military equipment. In light of the potential challenges associated with the continued growth of operational capabilities in terms of changes in the security environment, an analysis of the conclusions and experiences has been conducted. They will probably have the greatest impact on the development of the PAF as well as the whole NATO. ; Udział SZ RP w misjach i operacjach zagranicznych jest ważnym instrumentem polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa, jak i polityki zagranicznej. Jednocześnie udział ten jest cennym źródłem nowych doświadczeń umożliwiających poprawę istniejących i pozyskiwanie nowych zdolności operacyjnych SZ RP. Jest to szczególnie ważne w kontekście zdolności reagowania kryzysowego i prowadzenia operacji w środowisku asymetrii potencjałów stron. W związku z tym, w świetle potencjalnych wyzwań współczesnego środowiska bezpieczeństwa, celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie w uogólnionej formie doświadczeń przede wszystkim poziomu polityczno-wojskowego z udziału SZ RP w sojuszniczych misjach i operacjach, które w opinii autora stanowią wartość dodaną w zachodzących aktualnie procesach profesjonalizacji i transformacji polskiej armii oraz jej integracji w ramach Sojuszu.

Artykuł poświęcony został zaangażowaniu Polski w operacje wojskowe Unii Europejskiej w Afryce w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Mimo, że rozwój zdolności wojskowych nie należy do priorytetów Unii Europejskiej, to organizacja ta włącza się aktywnie w podejmowane przez społeczność międzynarodową próby pomocy państwom afrykańskim także poprzez użycie sił zbrojnych. Zdecydowana większość tego typu misji unijnych realizowana była właśnie na kontynencie afrykańskim. Chociaż dla Polski nie jest to kierunek priorytetowy polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa, to ze względu na specyfikę współczesnych zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa oraz jej stosunek do procesu integracji europejskiej, włączyła się aktywnie w te działania. Jednak po pierwszych doświadczeniach z tym związanych i ograniczonej skuteczności realizacji stawianych przy tym celów narodowych związanych z rozwojem Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony UE, Polska ograniczyła swoje zaangażowanie. Ma to swoje odzwierciedlenie w dokumentach i linii politycznej związanej z wysyłaniem wojsk poza granice państwa. Autor stawia tezę, że ograniczenie to jest zbyt daleko idące i istnieją powody do zwiększenia polskiego wkładu w misje wojskowe Unii Europejskiej. ; This paper is dedicated to the involvement of Poland in the European Union's military operations in Africa in the 2010s. The development of military capabilities is not one of the European Union's priorities. Nevertheless, the EU is an active participant of the international communities' efforts to aid African states, including the use of armed forces. The vast majority of such EU missions have been undertaken in Africa. Despite the fact that this region is not a priority of Poland's foreign and security policies, Poland has actively participated in such actions, primarily due to the peculiarities of contemporary security threats and Poland's approach to the process of European integration. However, after initial experiences, Poland limited its involvement, due to the limited impact on the achievement of national objectives related to the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. This has been reflected in both official documents and political practice associated with deploying troops on foreign soil. The author sets forth a thesis that these limitations are too substantial, and that there are reasons for greater Polish involvement in the European Union's military missions.

The Russian intervention in Syria has been the first act of a considerable scale since 1991 of a direct involvement of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in a military conflict on a territory not included in the former Soviet Union. At the same time, it became the first operation in the history of the Russian Federation (and formerly the USSR) in which a leading role – both in the composition of the military contingent addressed there, as well as in relation to the results of actions – played the air force. This publication focuses on the genesis and the
different phases of the engagement of combat aircraft of the mentioned type of armed forces in the initial stage of Russian intervention, as well as an attempt to assess the reasons for the exceptional effectiveness of the operation on the course of the entire war.