Suchergebnisse

Renamo's recent upsurge against the Mozambican Frelimo-led government after 22 years of relative stability has challenged the country's often celebrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process (1992–1994). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Maringue (Sofala province), the location of the rebels' wartime headquarters and a post-war Renamo stronghold, this paper shows that while the DDR program supposedly ended Renamo's command and control structure, the former rebel network continued to be a central feature of ex-combatants' social worlds. Former Renamo combatants spend most of their time in the company of their 'colleagues of the trenches' and engaged in relationships of dependency with political Renamo leaders and former commanders. These relationships were not only shaped by the former military structure, but also by friendship, marriage, and patronage dynamics, providing ex-Renamo combatants with physical and economic safety, a sense of belonging and economic possibilities. Recent events in Mozambique suggest that the post-conflict continuation of informal wartime networks is a threat to peace and a failure of demobilization. Nevertheless, the fieldwork conducted in Maringue reveals that the dismantling of the command and control structure is often in vain, as it may be worthwhile for ex-combatants to maintain ties with their former military group for various reasons. Therefore, I argue that it may be useful to consider these networks based on the former armed group in processes of violence reduction, also in the development of DDR programs, as these may offer possibilities for the re-positioning and transformation of (former) armed actors.

Renamo's recent upsurge against the Mozambican Frelimo-led government after 22 years of relative stability has challenged the country's often celebrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process (1992 to 1994). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Maringue (Sofala province), the location of the rebels' wartime headquarters and a post-war Renamo stronghold, this paper shows that while the DDR program supposedly ended Renamo's command and control structure, the former rebel network continued to be a central feature of ex-combatants' social worlds. Former Renamo combatants spend most of their time in the company of their 'colleagues of the trenches' and engaged in relationships of dependency with political Renamo leaders and former commanders. These relationships were not only shaped by the former military structure, but also by friendship, marriage, and patronage dynamics, providing ex-Renamo combatants with physical and economic safety, a sense of belonging and economic possibilities.Recent events in Mozambique suggest that the post-conflict continuation of informal wartime networks is a threat to peace and a failure of demobilization. Nevertheless, the fieldwork conducted in Maringue reveals that the dismantling of the command and control structure is often in vain, as it may be worthwhile for ex-combatants to maintain ties with their former military group for various reasons. Therefore, I argue that it may be useful to consider these networks based on the former armed group in processes of violence reduction, also in the development of DDR programs, as these may offer possibilities for the re-positioning and transformation of (former) armed actors.

"The history of Germany's political programs during the 20th century is of special interest when discussing whether and how far changes in childhood and in the rest of society are interrelated. Rapid and extreme changes of political regimes are characteristics of 20th century German history. First was the Empire (the so-called Second Reich), followed by the Weimar Republic, then the Third Reich, next the partition of Germany into the German Democratic Republic and German Federal Republic, and finally, a reunited Germany after 1989. These five major epochs and 20th century political regimes dealt with childhood in different ways. Despite these variations, each regime's political measures relating to children and their perception of childhood show considerable consistency. Their permanent orientation toward social order and, consequently, their almost complete denial of children as active protagonists in their own lives deserve special attention." (author's abstract)

Since 1989, international efforts to end protracted conflicts have included sustained investments in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of combatants. Yet while policy analysts have debated the factors that contribute to successful DDR programs and scholars have reasoned about the macro conditions that facilitate successful peace building, little is known about the factors that account for successful reintegration at the micro level. Using a new dataset of ex-combatants in Sierra Leone, this article analyzes the individual-level determinants of demobilization and reintegration. Past participation in an abusive military faction is the strongest predictor of difficulty in achieving social reintegration. On economic and political reintegration, we find that wealthier and more educated combatants face greater difficulties. Ideologues, men, and younger fighters are the most likely to retain strong ties to their factions. Most important, we find little evidence at the micro level that internationally funded programs facilitate demobilization and reintegration.

DNA damage response (DDR) leads to DNA repair, and depending on the extent of the damage, to further events, including cell death. Evidence suggests that cell differentiation may also be a consequence of the DDR. During the formation of the infective hypha in the phytopathogenic fungus Ustilago maydis, two DDR kinases, Atr1 and Chk1, are required to induce a G2 cell cycle arrest, which in turn is essential to display the virulence program. However, the triggering factor of DDR in this process has remained elusive. In this report we provide data suggesting that no DNA damage is associated with the activation of the DDR during the formation of the infective filament in U. maydis. We have analyzed bulk DNA replication during the formation of the infective filament, and we found no signs of impaired DNA replication. Furthermore, using RPA-GFP fusion as a surrogate marker of the presence of DNA damage, we were unable to detect any sign of DNA damage at the cellular level. In addition, neither MRN nor 9-1-1 complexes, both instrumental to transmit the DNA damage signal, are required for the induction of the above mentioned cell cycle arrest, as well as for virulence. In contrast, we have found that the claspin-like protein Mrc1, which in other systems serves as scaffold for Atr1 and Chk1, was required for both processes. We discuss possible alternative ways to trigger the DDR, independent of DNA damage, in U. maydis during virulence program activation. ; This work was supported by grants from Spanish government (BIO2011-27773 and BIO2014-55398-R). ; Peer Reviewed

In 2009, hostilities were brought to an end in Burundi when the FNL rebel group laid downweapons. In exchange for peace, ex-rebels benefited from a disarmament, demobilizationand reintegration (DDR) program to finance their return to civilian life. A few years earlier,another rebel group (CNDD-FDD) had gone through the same program. In this paper, weassess the impact of this complex program from a theoretical and an empirical viewpoint.First, we develop an agricultural model in order to predict the impact of demobilization cashtransfers on beneficiary and non-beneficiary households. Then, we test the theoretical modelby using a household panel dataset collected in rural Burundi. We find that, in the shortrun, the cash payments received by ex-combatants had a positive direct impact on purchasesand investments of beneficiaries, as well as an indirect positive impact on non-beneficiaries.We also find that the direct and indirect impacts on purchases vanish in the long run. Theseresults suggest that reinsertion grants may favour the acceptation of ex-combatants in theirlocal communities in the short run, but are most likely not sufficient for peace to hold.More generally, it emphasizes the importance of considering spillovers in the evaluation ofdevelopment programs. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

yes ; The success of programmes that relate to disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants into civilian life is dependent on four crucial aspects. First, it is essential that there is insightful and comprehensive planning that is based on sound research and analysis in order for a realistic strategy to be developed. Second, it is critical that the requisite political will exist at all levels to implement this strategy efficiently and effectively. Third, these programmes are typically expensive and time-consuming processes, and hence the necessary resources, namely financial and material support, and technical expertise, need to be secured. Fourth, it is vital that effective monitoring and evaluation systems are included in DDR processes, and that these systems are an integral part of the implementation strategy. The purpose of this paper is to examine critically current DDR developments, as well as explore the possible next steps for DDR. This will include the consideration of the current state of DDR and the extent to which initiatives such as the Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Program (MDRP), the United Nations Integrated DDR Standards (IDDRS) and the Stockholm Initiative on DDR (SIDDR), as well as other contemporary policy instruments and programmes encompass a human security perspective and reflects the interests of the poor. The key question that this paper will explore is: to what extent does current or "third generation" DDR programming differ from those DDR initiatives of the 1980s and 1990s (or "second generation")1; and to what extent do they contribute to the sustainable alleviation of poverty?

In der vorliegenden Untersuchung wurden Friedenslieder durch Jugendliche in der DDR 1984 bewertet und mit dem Ergebnis einer Vorläuferstudie von 1983 verglichen. "Sehr positiv ist zu werten, daß sich Jugendliche unvermindert in ihrer Sehnsucht nach Frieden, Glück und Zukunftsgewissheit in sehr vielen Friedensliedern auch aus der DDR wiederfinden. Neue wirkungsvolle, aussagestarke DDR-Produktionen zu diesem gewichtigen Thema können auf dem Hintergrund des ideologischen Klassenkampfes, insbesondere bei der emotionalen Formung des politischen Bewußtseins der Jugend, nicht hoch genug eingeschätzt werden." (psz)

Innerhalb der Untersuchung "Studie über das Friedensaufgebot der FDJ" wurden den Jugendlichen auch offene Fragen gestellt, zu denen sie sich ohne Vorgabe äußern sollten. Dabei zeigte sich ein außerordentlich hohes Interesse der Jugendlichen aller Altersstufen und Tätigkeitsbereiche an der Thematik Frieden / Krieg. Die Studie gibt einen Überblick über die Auswertungsergebnisse zu den Fragen der Jugendlichen. Zugeordnet wurden die Fragen den Kategorien: Abrüstung/Entspannung, Abrüstungsverhandlungen, atomarer Konflikt, eigener Beitrag zur Friedenssicherung, Friedensbewegung sozialistischer Staaten, Friedensbewegung nichtsozialistischer Staaten, Friedensbewegung und Kirche in der DDR, Kriegsgefahr, militärisches Gleichgewicht, NATO- Nachrüstung, Verteidigungskraft der Warschauer Vertragsstaaten und sonstige Fragen. Die weitaus meisten Fragen wurden zum Thema Friedensbewegung gestellt. Im Anhang sind charakteristische Fragen dokumentiert. (pka)

Mit der Erweiterung des Programms von "Jugendradio DT 64" bot der Rundfunk der DDR seit Ende 1987 erstmals ein Vollprogramm an, das sich vorrangig an junge Leute zwischen 14 und 30 Jahren richtete. Im Auftrag des Zentralrats der FDJ wurde im Dezember 1987 eine Studie über die Wirkung des neuen Angebotes durchgeführt, deren Ergebnisse im vorliegenden Papier dokumentiert sind. Befragt wurden 324 Schüler der Klassen 8 bis 10 aus Schulen in Leipzig. Die Fragen bezogen sich auf: Erwartungen der Jugendlichen, ihre Informationen über das neue Jugendprogramm sowie ihre Bewertung von DT 64. Inhaltliche Fragen wie die Wirkung der Wortsendungen sollten in einer zweiten Untersuchungsetappe im Frühjahr 1988 bearbeitet werden. Nach der nicht-repräsentativen Befragung erwarten die Jugendlichen in erster Linie gute Unterhaltung (93%), jugendorientierte Information (62%) und Berichte über das Weltgeschehen (52%). Charakteristisch sei das Bedürfnis nach vielfältigen, kurzen Informationen. (pka)

Recent research has shown that disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs often fail to uproot wartime command structures. A key question is why some ex-commanders succeed in retaining control over their ex-fighters, while others are less successful. This study seeks to address this question by comparing four former midlevel commanders (ex-MiLCs) in Liberia and the ex-combatant networks that they head. Contrary to previous assumptions, which have stressed the tendency of ex-fighters to flock around ex-commanders operating in spaces of marginality, I argue that ex-MiLCs employed as government brokers and who funnel patronage from ruling elites to ex-combatants are likely to possess the most durable networks. These findings highlight how ex-military bonds thrive where previous research expects them to be weakest: close to government elites who are often designated as "agents of change" by international peacemakers.

Diese vom Zentralinstitut für Jugendforschung 1987 durchgeführte Untersuchung hatte das Ziel, die Rezeption und Bewertung der Jugendsendung "Hautnah" vom April 1987 zum Thema "Berufswahl" durch jugendliche Zuschauer zu erfassen. "Hautnah" gehörte zu den neuen Sendetypen für Jugendliche, die das DDR-Fernsehen in dem Jahr produzierte. Die untersuchte Sendung war die 2. Produktion dieses Typs, der als monothematische Ratgebersendung thematisiert war und eine Kombination von Diskussionsrunden zu verschiedenen Aspekten des gewählten Themas im Studio mit themenbezogenen anderen Gestaltungselementen beinhaltete. Schwerpunkte bei der Untersuchung dieser Sendung waren (1) der Rezeptionsverlauf; (2) einzelne Gattungselemente; (3) die Annahme des Sendemodells insgesamt; (3) die differenzierte Bewertung des Inhalts insgesamt. Hierzu wurden Jugendliche im Alter von 13-17 Jahren befragt. Die Haltung zur Sendeform von "Hautnah" war deutlich geteilt, wobei Zustimmung - verbunden mit der Forderung nach Qualitätsverbesserung - überwiegte. Die konkrete Sendung lasse jedoch Problemorientiertheit und Spannung vermissen, der Ratgebercharakter sei wenig ausgeprägt. Vorurteile gegenüber der Sendeform seien durch die konkrete Sendung verstärkt worden, die Bereitschaft weitere Sendungen dieses Typs zu verfolgen seien aufgrund dessen eher gering (32 Prozent). Abschließend wird festgehalten, daß die Einstellungen der Jugendlichen zu diesem Sendetyp jedoch sehr rasch sowohl in positiver wie auch in negativer Hinsicht veränderbar seien, so daß bei Verbesserungen zukünftig eine positive Resonanz zu erwarten sei. (psz)