Suchergebnisse

The major purpose of this dissertation was to measure quality of preselected public discussions (in form of comments) generated on popular online social network Facebook. We used Discourse Quality Index as the main instrument to collect and analyze our empirical data. In particular, we measured how the quality of our discussions corresponded to the preconditions of Habermasian ideal discourse perception. In our analysis, we highlighted the role of Web 2.0 based online communications environments to support, promote or, possibly, neglect traditions and principles of deliberative democracy. Our results revealed that quality of the discussions we analyzed is not good enough; consequently, they cannot be considered by policymakers and have positive impact on decisions made. The main reasons of that are: a) audience polarization; b) dissensual political discourse; c) low participants' scientific and political literacy; d) not serious or light role that participants undertake in the discourse.

The major purpose of this dissertation was to measure quality of preselected public discussions (in form of comments) generated on popular online social network Facebook. We used Discourse Quality Index as the main instrument to collect and analyze our empirical data. In particular, we measured how the quality of our discussions corresponded to the preconditions of Habermasian ideal discourse perception. In our analysis, we highlighted the role of Web 2.0 based online communications environments to support, promote or, possibly, neglect traditions and principles of deliberative democracy. Our results revealed that quality of the discussions we analyzed is not good enough; consequently, they cannot be considered by policymakers and have positive impact on decisions made. The main reasons of that are: a) audience polarization; b) dissensual political discourse; c) low participants' scientific and political literacy; d) not serious or light role that participants undertake in the discourse.

This article analyzes political leadership that uses rhetoric as one of the means to influence the electorate. Rhetoric denotes negotiatory communication between different individuals aimed at reaching a general agreement. This theoretical discourse reflects on the characteristics of classical rhetoric, established in the practice of citizenship of the Athenian Democracy, appealing to its return and identifying a new era of political communication – the characteristics of electronic democracy, which powerfully transforms the language and relations of the elected and representatives of the society. In a modern virtual agora, the political leader directly informs his electorate, and the internet provides the leader with a wide range of communication tools to influence the voter. The new media creates a new policy and a new political language, which becomes an object worthy of the researchers' interest. The electronic agora is full of communicative noise, with the prevalence of a fragmentary, scattered, tag cloud rhetoric. The aim of this article is to reveal the issues of reliability of the rhetoric of the modern political leader from the perspective of political leadership constructed on the internet.

This article analyzes political leadership that uses rhetoric as one of the means to influence the electorate. Rhetoric denotes negotiatory communication between different individuals aimed at reaching a general agreement. This theoretical discourse reflects on the characteristics of classical rhetoric, established in the practice of citizenship of the Athenian Democracy, appealing to its return and identifying a new era of political communication – the characteristics of electronic democracy, which powerfully transforms the language and relations of the elected and representatives of the society. In a modern virtual agora, the political leader directly informs his electorate, and the internet provides the leader with a wide range of communication tools to influence the voter. The new media creates a new policy and a new political language, which becomes an object worthy of the researchers' interest. The electronic agora is full of communicative noise, with the prevalence of a fragmentary, scattered, tag cloud rhetoric. The aim of this article is to reveal the issues of reliability of the rhetoric of the modern political leader from the perspective of political leadership constructed on the internet.

This article analyzes political leadership that uses rhetoric as one of the means to influence the electorate. Rhetoric denotes negotiatory communication between different individuals aimed at reaching a general agreement. This theoretical discourse reflects on the characteristics of classical rhetoric, established in the practice of citizenship of the Athenian Democracy, appealing to its return and identifying a new era of political communication – the characteristics of electronic democracy, which powerfully transforms the language and relations of the elected and representatives of the society. In a modern virtual agora, the political leader directly informs his electorate, and the internet provides the leader with a wide range of communication tools to influence the voter. The new media creates a new policy and a new political language, which becomes an object worthy of the researchers' interest. The electronic agora is full of communicative noise, with the prevalence of a fragmentary, scattered, tag cloud rhetoric. The aim of this article is to reveal the issues of reliability of the rhetoric of the modern political leader from the perspective of political leadership constructed on the internet.

This article analyzes political leadership that uses rhetoric as one of the means to influence the electorate. Rhetoric denotes negotiatory communication between different individuals aimed at reaching a general agreement. This theoretical discourse reflects on the characteristics of classical rhetoric, established in the practice of citizenship of the Athenian Democracy, appealing to its return and identifying a new era of political communication – the characteristics of electronic democracy, which powerfully transforms the language and relations of the elected and representatives of the society. In a modern virtual agora, the political leader directly informs his electorate, and the internet provides the leader with a wide range of communication tools to influence the voter. The new media creates a new policy and a new political language, which becomes an object worthy of the researchers' interest. The electronic agora is full of communicative noise, with the prevalence of a fragmentary, scattered, tag cloud rhetoric. The aim of this article is to reveal the issues of reliability of the rhetoric of the modern political leader from the perspective of political leadership constructed on the internet.

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

The aim of the article is to critically analyze communication of public sector of Creative industries (CI) and Cultural and Creative Sector (CCS) in Lithuania. The main attention is paid to explanation of important concepts of EU documents from the point of view of Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics: making of affects, an economy of experience, creative disruption, multiplicity of memories . The article considers the Green Book and The Impact of Culture on Creativity and other EU and Lithuanian documents, their ideas and relationships with power, economy and creativity in a perspective of communicative reason. The object of critique is analysis of the case of Fluxus ministry (NGO in Kaunas) and growth of tendencies of meritocracy. I interpret Critical discourse analysis and Critical hermeneutics in a way they were developed in the Critical theory and in the works of Jurgen Habermas devoted to analysis of communicative action and communicative reason. My interpretation of the role of dialogue and some concepts of poststructuralism where I support theories of M. Bakchtin's tradition differs from Habermas interpretation. Contemporary Critical theory includes not only former Cultural philosophy, but also elements of critique of Cultual industries (tradition of M. Horkheimer and T. Adorno), British Cultural studies and political economy devoted to the questions of CI. Besides, for interpretation of EU documents I use a number of concepts related to the poststructuralism: direct self-government, deliberative democracy, critics of nomenclature and meritocracy, self-spectaclization and creation of open society for diversities. [.]

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.

The article develops normative assumptions about what the political ideologies, democracy and political parties ought to be and advocates a reconsidered version of liberalism, which is perceived as an alternative to the prevailing modern political ideologies. Assumptions of reconsidered liberalism about the role of ideologies in democracy are generalized in the concept of ideological pluralism. The article also presents a concept of comprehensive democracy as an alternative to representative, direct, deliberative, civic and other modern conceptions of democracies. In this perspective democracy is perceived as a mode of collective decision-making process. Normative criteria for the basic elements of a collective decision making process, i.e.: participants of decision-making processes, decisionmaking procedures, content of decisions and implementation of decisions, are formulated. Assumptions about the alternative role of political parties in democracy are derived from the conception of the comprehensive democracy. It is proposed to assign to political parties functions such as civic education, organizing and moderating public deliberations, monitoring policy implementation.