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MILITARY COUP OF SEPT. 11, 1973 INITIATED A RAPID PROCESS OF POLITICAL DEMOBILIZATION IN CHILE. THE ARTICLE EXAMINES THAT PROCESS AND EXPLORES ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE CENTRAL POLICY GOALS OF THE CHILEAN JUNTA. IT FOCUSES SPECIFICALLY ON THE REGIME'S EFFORTS TO CONTROL TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES, AND ATTEMPTS TO PROVIDE SOME PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF THE COMPARATIVE SIGNIFICANCE OF CHILE'S STATE.

Bibliographical footnotes. ; v. 1. The campaigns of MacArthur in the Pacific.--v. 1. suppl. MacArthur in Japan: the occupation, military phase.--v. 2. Japanese operations in the southwest Pacific area, compiled from Japanese Demobilization Bureaux records. 2 pts. ; Mode of access: Internet.

An examination of the early policy debates in the Soviet leadership on the demobilization of the Red Army & the ways of dealing with scarce resources both in materiel & manpower for purposes of military force structure. Several of the Soviet techniques were inventive in resolving allocation dilemmas. AA.

DEPARTICIPATION IS THE PROCESS OF REDUCING POPULAR INVOLVEMENT IN POLITICS. IT IS THE MOST STRIKING FEATURE OF POSTINDEPENDENCE BLACK AFRICA. THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT WHETHER MILITRY OR CIVILIAN - SPEARHEADS POPULAR DEMOBILIZATION BY ELIMINATING MOST PARTICIPATORY STRUCTURES, REMOVING KEY INDIVIDUALS FROM POLITICS POLITICS, AND CANCELLING OF ELECTIONS.

THE EFFECT OF ELECTORAL MOBILIZATION UPON THE DECAY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IS EXAMINED WITH REFERENCE TO STABILITY OF AGEREGATE VOTING PATTERNS IN WESTERN EUROPE. HISTORICAL TIME SERIES ARE STUDIED EMPIRICALLY TO TEST PREDICTIONS DERIVED FROM A FORMAL MODEL. THE CONCLUSION IS THAT DEMOBILIZATION OF GROUPS RATHER THAN NEW VOTERS, THREATENS THE STABILITY OF ELECTORAL INSTITUTIONS.

Contents -- Preface -- Foreword by Donald R. Young -- Chapter I: Knowledge and Government -- Chapter II: The Shaping of Social Science -- Before and During World War I -- The 1920's: Institutes for Social Science -- The Social Science Research Council -- The Research Committee on Social Trends -- Chapter III: The New Deal -- Programs and Administration -- National Planning -- Knowledge for What? -- Chapter IV: The Second World War -- Economic Mobilization -- Central Scientific Organization -- Program Research -- Foreign Operations -- The Demobilization of Social Science

The effect of electoral mobilization upon the decay of political institutions is examined with reference to the stability of aggregate voting patterns in Western Europe. Historical time series are studied empirically to test predictions derived from a formal model. The conclusion is that demobilization of groups, rather than mobilization of new voters, threatens the stability of electoral institutions. It is argued that electoral mobilization is a process through which political institutions preserve stability of social relations.

The possibilities of an end to military rule in developing states and of a postmilitary era in these states have only recently started to receive some consideration. In general, movement away from military control of politics is perceived as a matter of choice on the part of military elites and as a question of gradually expanding participation so as not to outstrip the slow accrual of extrabureaucratic power. Pakistan's experiences since 1971 suggest another pattern of transition from military-dominated to civiliandominated politics. Pakistan has been characterized by suddenly expanded participation and by the new civilian leadership's use of demobilization and patrimonial strategies to curtail this participation. Such strategies, patrimonialism in particular, have "dedevelopmental" consequences for the political system.

Described are the activities of African soldiers from French & British colonies as combat troops in Ethiopia, Burma, & France & as support troops in Europe, North Africa, & South Asia during WWII. The recruitment of these troops is described; the opportunity to obtain vocational training was an inducement to enlist, for men from British Africa. There is little evidence of the political awakening of soldiers on a large scale resulting from the war. Rather, the modernizing aspect of the military experience was more important. Effects of the war experience differed in French Africa, British West Africa, & British East Africa. French African soldiers became a strong pro-French force in the postwar political arena in French colonies because of generous demobilization benefits. British veterans, however, were more likely to be proindependence because of their disappointment with the postwar treatment they received. Military histories, wartime periodicals, fiction, & unpublished dissertations form the bulk of the source material. Modified AA.

This paper is concerned with assessing the stability of the American public's attention to foreign affairs, and the relationship of this to public support of international programs and commitments. In particular, the paper presents an empirical investigation of the evidence for the "mood theory" proposed by Gabriel Almond as one element of his classic study, The American People and Foreign Policy.The mood theory contends, first of all, that attention to or interest in foreign policy is generally low and subject to major fluctuations in times of crisis.The characteristic response to questions of foreign policy is one of indifference. A foreign policy crisis, short of the immediate threat of war may transform indifference to vague apprehension, to fatalism, to anger; but the reaction is still a mood.On the basis of this premise about attention, Almond predicts that the public will not provide stable support for international commitments undertaken by the U.S. Government.Because of the superficial character of American attitudes toward world politics … a temporary Russian tactical withdrawal may produce strong tendencies toward demobilization and the reassertion of the primacy of private and domestic values.The acceptance of this view by scholars is evidenced by its presentation in important textbooks and treatises. As far as I have been able to determine it has not been challenged.The empirical investigation in this paper considers evidence on both of these variables—attention=interest, and support for foreign policy commitments.

Two fundamental premises I think can be accepted at the outset. First, if the Institute fulfils a useful and needed role in contributing to man's knowledge and understanding of the polar regions, and does it through bold, perceptive, and imaginative leadership, its future is secure. The second premise is that the future of the Institute itself is indisputably locked to the future of the polar regions. With these in mind let us consider briefly, by way of introduction, the founding of the Institute and the circumstances surrounding it. A question may be posed. Would the same kind of Institute be founded today as was founded in 1944. I think the answer would be no. In 1944 the Institute was founded to meet specific needs that were very real and pressing at that time. It is important to note that, as outlined in a previous chapter, the needs in Canada were quite different from those in the United States. In the United States there was in simple terms a desire to preserve for future use the knowledge and information that had been assembled by the U.S. Army Air Force's Arctic, Desert and Tropic Information Center, since it was almost taken for granted that this activity would just fade away in the rapid demobilization which could be expected at the end of World War II. In Canada, however, action stemmed from a comparatively small group of dedicated citizens who recognized the importance of the North to Canada and desired to cultivate more broadly a national concern and awareness of this. Curiously enough the common cause of World War II brought together those individuals from the United States and Canada who were then more intimately concerned with these needs and many of whom shared a common background of experience and interest in the North. Thus, at War's end a binational organization was founded to meet the differing needs of the two countries with responsibilities vested in the Board of Governors with joint Canadian and United States membership. The fundamental basis was a common desire to continue and foster this existing interest in the North, which had been brought into focus by wartime circumstances. To meet these differing needs the Institute was constituted to provide for two general areas of endeavour. The normal mission of a scientific organization to acquire and preserve knowledge was provided for and implemented initially through a grant-in-aid program, the scientific journal Arctic, the establishment of the Institute's library, and the publication of Arctic Bibliography. But in order to create a more general interest and awareness of the North and its emerging significance, an Institute Associate program was also established. This was later extended by the establishment of a class of Fellows, who are elected by the Institute's Board of Governors in recognition of their contributions to polar research and who participate in Institute affairs through election of a portion of the Institute's governing body. One must note that at this time, reflecting the need first for basic scientific knowledge of the North which had been emphasized by the military requirements of World War II, the early interest and concern of the Institute was almost exclusively within the natural sciences. As a result the people called upon in the early days of the Institute because of their experience were drawn largely from the ranks of the natural scientists. In perspective it must also be noted that at the time there were few social scientists with any interest or experience in the North except for a small group of archeologists and anthropologists. Now, twenty years later, circumstances are far different from those at the time the Institute was founded. The immediate needs which the Institute was intended to fill are now being met. The over-all importance of the polar regions to the modern world is recognized. A broad national effort in northern study has emerged in Canada with an increased recognition of the economic, social, and political significance of Canada's northern territories and a responsibility therefor. Prima facie evidence of the very basic concern for the future is demonstrated in the proposed Centennial Fund for Northern Research in Canada, in which the Arctic Institute can be said to have had the guiding hand. The United States now recognizes equally the significance of the North and additionally has mounted a vast national program of scientific endeavour in the Antarctic. Through these efforts there has been a manifold increase in polar research during the last twenty years, and a whole new generation of "polar scientists" has been trained in the process. The appropriate government agencies have recognized their mission and responsibility through the establishment and support of active programs. A number of universities in both Canada and the United States have developed programs of polar, boreal, or northern research through the interest of individual faculty members or in some cases through the establishment of special institutes. And of perhaps greatest practical importance, new funds and resources have become available to create and support these programs. Thus there would in fact be far less need today for the type of institute that was conceived in 1944. Correspondingly the Institute of today bears little resemblance to the Institute of twenty years ago. In response to the changing environment it has altered and expanded its scope of activities in directions which never could have been foreseen twenty years ago. The multiplicity of present Institute activities, all of which contribute effectively to a primary objective of increasing man's knowledge and understanding of the polar regions, has been amply covered in a previous chapter, thus little need be said here, but I do think it is important to consider the principal environmental changes that have affected the over-all field of polar research. .