Demobilization of Paramilitaries in Colombia: Transformation or Transition?
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 31, Heft 6, S. 520-540
ISSN: 1521-0731
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 31, Heft 6, S. 520-540
ISSN: 1521-0731
In: Political Science (RU), Heft 3, S. 266-297
The article considers the essence and approaches to understanding network political protest. Traditional forms of collective action are changing under the influence of information and communication technologies. The network paradigm focuses on the position of the individual in the social space, the degree of his involvement in the communication space, the ability to control and regulate the intensity of the information flow. Network structures are more flexible and adaptive, more in line with the new reality. Special and main principles of the network structure of political protest are revealed. The article also presents definitions of political mobilization and demobilization. These processes Express the rivalry of the conflicting parties-the state and society, where the support of the broad masses of the population is an important category. Based on the data of the monitoring study, the features of the development of civil protest activism and the use of mobilization technologies were identified. ICTs have a significant impact on their formation and transformation. The state, reacting to forms of real and virtual activity, formulates a counteraction strategy. It is expressed in the use of technologies for the demobilization of citizens, which are also undergoing changes in the era of digitalization
In: Folke Bernadotte Academy Research Report. 2010
SSRN
In: The China quarterly, Band 146, S. 336-359
ISSN: 1468-2648
In recent years, Western and Asian countries have been warning, and warned, against the so-called "China threat." These warnings reflect Beijing's military-related policies, primarily the consistent increase in China's defence expenditures since the early 1990s, its resumed acquisition of arms from the former Soviet Union, its continued nuclear tests, and its contribution to the proliferation of conventional, semi-conventional and, allegedly, non-conventional weapons. In their repeated attempts to refute the "China threat" syndrome, Chinese leaders stress, among other things, the 25 per cent cut of about one million troops in the size of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), announced in the mid-1980s. Reportedly slicing it from about 4.2 million to about 3.2 million, this massive demobilization is usually treated, not only byChina watchers but also by the Chinese themselves, as an essential aspect of their ongoing defence reform which goes hand-in-hand with military-tocivilian conversion.
In: Africa today, Band 42, Heft 1/2, S. 49-60
ISSN: 0001-9887
In: International peacekeeping, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 253-261
ISSN: 1743-906X
This article introduces the special issue on DDR and 'Armed Non-Statutory Actors' (ANSAs) which we prefer to the less precise label of Armed Non-State Actors. The understanding that disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs are essential in helping to prevent the recurrence of war in post-conflict situations is at the heart of current peacebuilding practice and the academic literature on peacekeeping and stabilization. But the changing strategic context of DDR programs and in particular the proliferation of ANSAs presents new challenges, the responses to which have been characterized as 'second generation' DDR. The changing context poses new questions and forces us to rethink assumptions and templates of DDR as the concept is blurred and expanded. The question is if it makes sense to hold on to the concept or whether the assumptions associated with it will get in the way of rethinking templates for violence reduction in the future.
BASE
World Affairs Online
In: International peacekeeping, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 253-261
ISSN: 1353-3312
World Affairs Online
In: Folke Bernadotte Academy Publications: Research Report
World Affairs Online
In: Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, Band 4, Heft 1
ISSN: 2165-2627
In: From Hot War to Cold, S. 35-56
In: Demobilized Veterans in Late Stalinist Leningrad : Soldiers to Civilians
In: Digital war, Band 1, Heft 1-3, S. 36-49
ISSN: 2662-1983
In: British journal of political science, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 165-186
ISSN: 1469-2112
What motivates citizens to vote or abstain from voting? What determines vote choice? Models of turnout predominantly focus on a series of factors that affect perceptions of the benefits and costs of voting. The economy's influence on those perceptions has gone largely undeveloped. Models of vote choice routinely account for economic influences while ignoring turnout. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the role of the economy as mobilizer and demobilizer. I argue that the economy has an impact on turnout decisions and that its impact is asymmetric. All else equal, the incumbent party is able to mobilize more supporters, relative to the non-incumbent party, in good economic times and more supporters are demobilized in adverse economic times. However, Democrats and Republicans are not sensitive to the same elements of economic performance. This is in part a function of the way in which the economy influences perceptions of the closeness of the impending election and of the candidates and their parties. Analysis of pooled data from ANES surveys for the twelve presidential elections from 1956 to 2000 confirms the validity of these arguments. Adapted from the source document.