Suchergebnisse

Dilemma of curbing international military sales in light of domestic economic difficulties and increased competition for export markets. President Yeltsin's initiatives, Russia's military-industrial complex, sale of jet fighter aircraft to Malaysia, trade with China, possible trade with NATO, and Western responses.

Con el fin de determinar las causas por las cuales una persona ingresa a un grupo armado ilegal en Antioquia, se revisó la literatura existente tanto en el ámbito internacional como en el nacional. La misma se contrastó con la información cuantitativa existente de los victimarios y exvictimarios en los órdenes nacional y departamental, y la información cualitativa encontrada en entrevistas a miembros de bandas criminales y en grupos focales con expertos. Un sujeto puede tener motivaciones para delinquir basadas en la coerción, los deseos individuales, los incentivos selectivos, los entornos sociales y familiares, los agravios, la falta de control social, y en unas características o rasgos personales que lo pueden hacer más propenso a realizar actividades delictivas. Su continuidad en un grupo armado dependerá de las estrategias de enganche que pueden consistir en la incriminación, las prebendas económicas, el discurso ideológico, o en amenazas. Luego de un proceso de desmovilización, otros factores como la inseguridad personal, la falta de influencia política, la ausencia de prestigio social, la inseguridad económica y otras fallas específicas del proceso de reintegración a la sociedad pueden influir en la reincidencia en actividades criminales.En Antioquia, la coerción como estrategia de reclutamiento continúa siendo utilizada; las motivaciones fundamentadas en los entornos sociales se observaron como esenciales y comunes para bandas criminales y guerrilla; los deseos individuales enfocados en el interés por una vida militar estuvieron más relacionados con la guerrilla, y los sentimientos codiciosos se asociaron más con las bandas criminales; los incentivos selectivos a través de las promesas de salario fueron propios de las bandas criminales; y por último, los agravios, que son soporte ideológico propio de la guerrilla, son también usados por las bandas criminales como estrategia de reclutamiento y de búsqueda de legitimidad en los territorios en los que buscan consolidarse. ; With the purpose of determining the causes by which a person becomes a mem­ber of an illegal armed group in Antioquia, existing national and international litera­ture was reviewed. This literature was compared to the quantitative information related to perpetrators and former perpe­trators in the country and in the State, and the qualitative information found in inter­views made to members of criminal bands and focal groups with experts.An individual can have good reasons to commit crimes based on coercion, indi­vidual wishes, selective incentives, social and family environments, damages, lack of social control, and on several personal characteristics or traits which may make of him more prone to commit criminal activi­ties. His continuation in an armed group will depend on the recruitment strategies that can involve incrimination, economic benefits, ideological speech or threats. Af­ter a demobilization process, other factors such as personal insecurity, lack of politi­cal influence, absence of social prestige, economic insecurity, and other specific failures of the process of reintegration to society may result in the person's new per­petration of criminal activities.In Antioquia, coercion as a recruitment strategy is still a frequently used method; basic motivations in social environments were observed as essential and common for criminal bands and guerrilla groups; individual intention focused on the inter­est for a military life were more related to guerrilla and avaricious feelings were much more associated to criminal bands; selective incentives after promising a salary were factors related to criminal bands; finally, damages, that are an ideo­logical support of guerrilla groups are also used by criminal bands as a strategy for recruitment and a search for legitimacy within the territories where consolidation is sought.

With the purpose of determining the causes by which a person becomes a mem­ber of an illegal armed group in Antioquia, existing national and international litera­ture was reviewed. This literature was compared to the quantitative information related to perpetrators and former perpe­trators in the country and in the State, and the qualitative information found in inter­views made to members of criminal bands and focal groups with experts.An individual can have good reasons to commit crimes based on coercion, indi­vidual wishes, selective incentives, social and family environments, damages, lack of social control, and on several personal characteristics or traits which may make of him more prone to commit criminal activi­ties. His continuation in an armed group will depend on the recruitment strategies that can involve incrimination, economic benefits, ideological speech or threats. Af­ter a demobilization process, other factors such as personal insecurity, lack of politi­cal influence, absence of social prestige, economic insecurity, and other specific failures of the process of reintegration to society may result in the person's new per­petration of criminal activities.In Antioquia, coercion as a recruitment strategy is still a frequently used method; basic motivations in social environments were observed as essential and common for criminal bands and guerrilla groups; individual intention focused on the inter­est for a military life were more related to guerrilla and avaricious feelings were much more associated to criminal bands; selective incentives after promising a salary were factors related to criminal bands; finally, damages, that are an ideo­logical support of guerrilla groups are also used by criminal bands as a strategy for recruitment and a search for legitimacy within the territories where consolidation is sought. ; Con el fin de determinar las causas por las cuales una persona ingresa a un grupo armado ilegal en Antioquia, se revisó la literatura existente tanto en el ámbito internacional como en el nacional. La misma se contrastó con la información cuantitativa existente de los victimarios y exvictimarios en los órdenes nacional y departamental, y la información cualitativa encontrada en entrevistas a miembros de bandas criminales y en grupos focales con expertos. Un sujeto puede tener motivaciones para delinquir basadas en la coerción, los deseos individuales, los incentivos selectivos, los entornos sociales y familiares, los agravios, la falta de control social, y en unas características o rasgos personales que lo pueden hacer más propenso a realizar actividades delictivas. Su continuidad en un grupo armado dependerá de las estrategias de enganche que pueden consistir en la incriminación, las prebendas económicas, el discurso ideológico, o en amenazas. Luego de un proceso de desmovilización, otros factores como la inseguridad personal, la falta de influencia política, la ausencia de prestigio social, la inseguridad económica y otras fallas específicas del proceso de reintegración a la sociedad pueden influir en la reincidencia en actividades criminales. En Antioquia, la coerción como estrategia de reclutamiento continúa siendo utilizada; las motivaciones fundamentadas en los entornos sociales se observaron como esenciales y comunes para bandas criminales y guerrilla; los deseos individuales enfocados en el interés por una vida militar estuvieron más relacionados con la guerrilla, y los sentimientos codiciosos se asociaron más con las bandas criminales; los incentivos selectivos a través de las promesas de salario fueron propios de las bandas criminales; y por último, los agravios, que son soporte ideológico propio de la guerrilla, son también usados por las bandas criminales como estrategia de reclutamiento y de búsqueda de legitimidad en los territorios en los que buscan consolidarse

Esta investigación se sitúa en un momento coyuntural concreto: la desmovilización de los grupos paramilitares en el gobierno de Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010) y los profundos cuestionamientos en sus medios y fines, que parecen no haber contribuido con el deber ser de la verdad, la justicia y la reparación, para quedarse en el ser de la improvisación, el desorden y la sensación de impunidad. Sin embargo, no se pretende afirmar que la desmovilización de estos grupos fue un fracaso absoluto o un proceso que no contribuyó a la construcción de paz. Solo sugiere la posibilidad de ampliar el espectro de análisis sobre el papel que juega la sociedad colombiana en la persistencia del paramilitarismo y su mutación en degradadas formas de violencias. Para tal fin, la investigación plantea dos preguntas: I. ¿Es posible establecer una relación entre 1. Consolidación-degradación del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia y 2. Representaciones sociales? De ser posible establecer dicha relación: II. ¿Qué dificultades tienen las propuestas para el desmonte del paramilitarismo, cuando no tienen en cuenta la influencia de estas representaciones sociales en la solución de esta problemática? / Abstrac. This research is situated in a specific conjunctural moment: the demobilization of paramilitary groups in the government of Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010) and the deep questions in their means and ends, which appear to have contributed to the must be the truth, justice and reparation, to stay in the essence of improvisation, disorder and the feeling of impunity. However, is not to say that the demobilization of these groups was a complete failure or a process that did not contribute to the construction of peace. Only suggests the possibility of expanding the spectrum analysis of the role society plays in the persistence of Colombian paramilitaries and its mutation in degraded forms of violence. To this end, the research raises two questions: I. Is it possible to relate 1. Consolidation-degradation of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia and 2. Social representations? Be possible to establish the relationship: II. What difficulties have proposals for the dismantling of paramilitarism, when not take into account the influence of these social representations in solving this problem? ; Maestría

This article challenges conventional explanations why Colombia, a country emerging from an armed internal conflict but still with multiple challenges, should participate in United Nations' multidimensional peace operations. While Colombian official rationale maintains that contribution to peacekeeping is a common stage for countries within a post-peace agreement scenario to gain worldwide recognition, to improve legitimacy, and to establish an alternative source of funding, international experience suggests that the occurrence of several other circumstances is necessary before making such a commitment. The results of a statistical analysis show how the level of implementation of the peace agreement, as well as disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, addressing minority rights, and solving issues with criminal groups are fundamental for deciding on participation in peace operations. Additionally, while international missions may be considered a way of enhancing diplomacy, cautious assessments should be made to determine the military capabilities needed to balance national interests and foreign policy without fostering a regional security dilemma.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Section I. Introduction to Disaster Recovery Project Management -- Chapter 1. Natural and Man-Made Disasters -- Chapter 2. Not Quite the Same -- Chapter 3. The Project Environment and Manager -- Section II. Project Management and Administration -- Chapter 4. Bids, Proposals, and Delivery Mechanisms -- Chapter 5. Contracts -- Chapter 6. Planning, Organizing, and Mobilizing -- Chapter 7. Time, Cost, and Quality Control -- Chapter 8. Logistics, Materials Management, and Procurement -- Chapter 9. Communication and Documentation -- Chapter 10. Health, Safety, Environment, and Security -- Chapter 11. Demobilization and Closeout -- Section III. Restoration Techniques -- Chapter 12. Restorative Drying -- Chapter 13. Fire and Smoke Restoration -- Chapter 14. Microbial Remediation -- Chapter 15. Personal Property Restoration -- Chapter 16. Disaster Debris Management and Demolition -- Afterword -- Bibliography -- Glossary of Terms, Abbreviations, and Acronyms -- Index

Africa's wars : overview, causes and the challenges of conflict transformation / Richard Jackson -- Post-settlement governance programmes : what is being built in Africa? / Bruce Baker -- Society, reconciliation and conflict transformation in post-war Africa / Andrew Rigby -- Disarmament, demobilization, reinsertion and reintegration in Africa / Joanna Spear -- Multi-party mediation in the Guinea-Bissau civil war / Simon Massey -- Democratic Republic of Congo : problems of the peacekeeping process / Emeric Rogier -- Uganda : the struggle for peace / Oliver Furley -- Elusive settlement : Angola's 'peace processes', 1975-2002 / Norrie MacQueen -- A separate peace : Mozambique, state reconstruction and the search for sustainable democracy / Chris Alden -- Peacemaking in Sudan / Peter Woodward -- Liberia : a durable peace at last? / Gerry Cleaver and Simon Massey -- A long prelude to peace : African involvement in ending Burundi's war / Roger Southall -- A sustainable peace? : Sierra Leone / Bruce Baker and Roy May

This article contributes to the discussions about the ways in which societies phase out (or not) of long periods of war by focusing on Jacques Feyder's film L'Atlantide (Queen of Atlantis) (1921) through the perspective of the challenges France faced after World War I. I argue that carefully crafted entertainment products such as L'Atlantide contributed to a slow "demobilization" of the mind in France. A distancing/reflecting mechanism at the heart of the film is twofold: it tackles fundamental changes brought about by the war, such as the degree of violence that permeated society, while providing the escapism of a colonial backdrop. This analysis proposes to read L'Atlantide as a text symptomatic of a time when World War I was in everyone's mind and when it had yet to be "digested."

Voter turnout levels have been steadily declining in the whole of the world's democracies, for the last decades. This finding is quite consensual among electoral behavior scholars. For example, Blais (2007) looks at 106 democracies throughout around 35 years, concluding that average voter turnout levels have begun to decline in the 1990's, and that the average level of such decline is 8 percentage points. This situation is even more problematic if we take into account that one of the major drivers of such a decline is the demobilization of young citizens, who vote at even lower rates than the rest of the population. Such fact has led some to predict a worsening of this problem in the future (Blais & Rubenson 2013). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Abstract
Democrats and Republicans have divergent views about Trump's personality. Are these perceptions stable over time? We describe the evolution of Trump's perceived personality (Big Five and Dark Triad) between November 2018 and May 2020 by comparing four samples of American respondents (Mechanical Turk). Trump's perceived personality is on average extremely stable. Liberals have a much more critical perception of Trump than conservatives. Yet, strong Republicans have an increasingly more negative perception over the time—perhaps because the scandals that have marred the Trump presidency are at odds with conservative "moral foundations." We also detected a potential demobilization trend for strong Republicans; the more they perceive the president negatively, the lower their likelihood to turn out. The electoral implications of these trends are important.