Suchergebnisse

This article of reflection is derived from the research "Citizen Competences and Community Participation" carried out in Fontibón, which is a locality of the city of Bogotá, by researchers from the Law School of Universidad Santo Tomás. The article aims to make a reflection and a proposal that contributes to the weaknesses of democracy and the rule of law of some communities. The dissertation parts of the central idea of the paper that states that the disorder of the State is due in part to the disobedience of the legal norms of the citizens that possibly have in one of its sources the ignorance of the same norms and the ignorance of principles, both political and of their citizens' rights and duties, which due to the same situation have not internalized these rules of the game, which translates into a lack of positive behavior in this regard. Faced with the problem, the strategy of a legal literacy is supported by participatory action research between law schools and communities in Colombia within the current constitutional framework and the humanistic spirit of the academy. ; El presente artículo de reflexión se deriva de la investigación "Competencias ciudadanas y participación comunitaria" realizada en Fontibón localidad de Bogotá por investigadores de la facultad de derecho la universidad Santo Tomás. El artículo tiene como objetivo hacer una reflexión y una propuesta que contribuya a las debilidades de la democracia y el estado de derecho de algunas las comunidades. La disertación parte de la idea central del escrito que plantea que el desorden del Estado es debido en parte a la desobediencia de las normas jurídicas de los ciudadanos que posiblemente tenga en una de sus fuentes la ignorancia de las mismas normas y el desconocimiento de principios tanto políticos como de sus derechos y deberes ciudadanos, que por la misma situación no han interiorizado estas reglas del juego lo que se traduce en carencia de conductas positivas al respecto. Frente a la problemática se expone la estrategia de un alfabetismo jurídico apoyado por la investigación acción participativa entre las facultades de derecho y las comunidades en Colombia dentro del marco constitucional vigente y el espíritu humanístico de la academia.

This article of reflection is derived from the research "Citizen Competences and Community Participation" carried out in Fontibón, which is a locality of the city of Bogotá, by researchers from the Law School of Universidad Santo Tomás. The article aims to make a reflection and a proposal that contributes to the weaknesses of democracy and the rule of law of some communities. The dissertation parts of the central idea of the paper that states that the disorder of the State is due in part to the disobedience of the legal norms of the citizens that possibly have in one of its sources the ignorance of the same norms and the ignorance of principles, both political and of their citizens' rights and duties, which due to the same situation have not internalized these rules of the game, which translates into a lack of positive behavior in this regard. Faced with the problem, the strategy of a legal literacy is supported by participatory action research between law schools and communities in Colombia within the current constitutional framework and the humanistic spirit of the academy. ; El presente artículo de reflexión se deriva de la investigación "Competencias ciudadanas y participación comunitaria" realizada en Fontibón localidad de Bogotá por investigadores de la facultad de derecho la universidad Santo Tomás. El artículo tiene como objetivo hacer una reflexión y una propuesta que contribuya a las debilidades de la democracia y el estado de derecho de algunas las comunidades. La disertación parte de la idea central del escrito que plantea que el desorden del Estado es debido en parte a la desobediencia de las normas jurídicas de los ciudadanos que posiblemente tenga en una de sus fuentes la ignorancia de las mismas normas y el desconocimiento de principios tanto políticos como de sus derechos y deberes ciudadanos, que por la misma situación no han interiorizado estas reglas del juego lo que se traduce en carencia de conductas positivas al respecto. Frente a la problemática se expone la estrategia de un alfabetismo jurídico apoyado por la investigación acción participativa entre las facultades de derecho y las comunidades en Colombia dentro del marco constitucional vigente y el espíritu humanístico de la academia.

Maintaining the essential features of local democracy, representation and contestation, my theory allows for the representation of the interest of subpopulations in the global community by actors such as nongovernmental organization and intergovernmental organizations. I will begin by outlining what features are necessary for a theory's consideration as democratic in nature. Then, relying upon democracy in a broad sense, it will be my aim to demonstrate that the right to democracy is universal human right. The following stage will provide the backing, by way of the moral progress of human rights, that the right to democracy is expressible by "importantly affected" subgroups in the global arena. The final stage of my conceptual defense will focus on the validation of representatives who have no institutional connection with the populations they represent. With such established, the paper will proceed into a practical defense, discussing how claims made by actors can be accepted or rejected by represented subpopulations. It will then become necessary to demonstrate that the paternalistic claims made by representatives are incorporable into a democratic theory without forgoing the essence of democracy. To show this is feasible, methods of appealing paternalistic claims by way of international human rights courts will be explained. Finally, possibilities to mediate general feasibility issues will be explored.

El presente trabajo sobre la ética del discurso de Jurgen Habermas, da cuenta de las connotaciones y exigencias para una democracia con legitimidad política y moral en nuestra sociedad. Entendiendo que una democracia radical no es algo dado por una sola vez y para siempre, sino el resultado de un proceso comunicativo que permite articular intereses distintos, donde están en juego la identidad, la solidaridad, la inclusión del "otro" y el patriotismo constitucional, entre otras cosas. Es decir, se puede corregir y recuperar el ideario normativo de la democracia moderna reduciendo la hegemonía de la racionalidad instrumental. ; This paper about Jurgen Habermas, discourse ethics deals with the connotations and exigencies for a democracy with political legitimacy and moral content for our society. Understanding that a radical democracy isn't found only once and forever, far from that, it is the result of a communicational progress that allows conjugation different interests, where identity, the solidarity, the inclusion of the other and the constitutional patriotism are present among other things, I mean, you can correct and recover the normative ideas of modern democracy by reducing the hegemony of the instrumental rationalization.

In the public debate, many observers have argued that there is a trade-off between fighting terrorism and enhancing democracy, implying that democratic governance and its practices are obstacles to confronting terrorism effectively. The purpose of this volume is to show that the values and principles of democracy must not be seen as a hindrance but should rather be considered as essential components of a counter-terrorist strategy. The essays assess the elements of a new response against terrorism, such as the role of the legal framework, human rights, democracy and civil society, as well as i

Edited by Paul J. Quirk and Sarah A. Binder, this collection of essays examines the role of the Legislature in American democracy and the dynamic between the other branches of government, and discusses possible measures for reform. The volume addresses questions such as: How does Congress serve the values of democracy and American constitutional principles? Which conceptions of those values does it implement, and which does it overlook or fail to realize? What are Congress's strengths and weaknesses in performing the tasks of democratic governance? What reforms, if any, are necessary to ensure the health and success of Congress as an institution of democracy in the future?.

Desde la llegada al poder de Rafael Correa, Ecuador ha experimentado una serie de cambios sustanciales en su régimen político. Algunos de esas transformaciones así como elementos discursivos del presidente, sugieren que se trata de un gobierno populista. Tomando en cuenta que Ecuador es una joven democracia en vías de consolidación, resulta relevante indagar acerca del populismo como vehículo legítimo para la consolidación del régimen democrático. Por ello, el artículo presenta una reflexión acerca de la forma como el populismo tiende a convertirse en un eje de la consolidación democrática ecuatoriana al margen de las acepciones peyorativas que el término suscita. ; Ecuador has experienced a set of substantial changes in his political regime since Rafael Correa administration from 2007. Some of these transformations, as well as some aspects from his speech, make him a populist government. Taking in consideration that Ecuador is a "young democracy" in consolidation process, it is important to analyze how populism could be a tool for democratic consolidation. Therefore, this article studies how populism tends to become an axis for democratic consolidation in Ecuador, beyond the controversy that the term populism provokes.

El presente artículo aborda el periodo que transcurre entre 1980 y 1983 y se propone reconstruir el proceso que antecede a la apertura democrática concretada el 10 de octubre de 1983 en la Argentina. El objetivo es mostrar la semántica que se condensó alrededor de la dicotomía democracia/dictadura y que luego de la derrota militar en Malvinas se constituyó como una referencia ineludible del espacio político argentino. Para ello, indagamos en las concepciones que orientaron la práctica representativa de los partidos políticos, centrándonos primordialmente en la Unión Cívica Radical y el Partido Justicialista. ; This article discusses the period between 1980 and 1983 and aims to rebuild the process that precedes the democratic opening that took place on October 10, 1983 in Argentina. The objective is to show the semantics that were condensed around the dichotomy democracy/dictatorship and that after the military defeat in Malvinas was constituted as an inescapable reference of the Argentine political space. To this end, we investigated the conceptions that guided the representative practice of political parties, focusing primarily on the Radical Civic Union and the Peronist Party. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social