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A review of the literature -- both empirical & theoretical -- on modernization as defined by the classical Western model, which assumes that a uniform world of political democracies with free market economies will be the natural result of economic development. It is suggested that this model is too deterministic for non-Western countries because it does not distinguish between the demands of modernization & the preconditions for democratization. Many studies have found that there is no direct relationship between economic growth & political democratization. Modern political entities develop common characteristics, including the design of participatory structures & processes, but there is no evidence that the Western economic model should be adopted by all modernizing societies. 5 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

This article provides an overview and a broad comparison of the development of party membership in European democracies and discusses the implications of the decline in party membership for our understanding of party organization and party democracy. Our study provides an update of reporting by Mair and Van Rush (2001), which followed the study of Katz, Mair et al. (1992). The analysis covers the period from the late 1980s until the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The number of countries that is included is expanded (to 27), so our study now includes almost all European democracies, including the long-established democracies in Western Europe, the more recent democracies in Southern Europe as well as post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. The data we present are based on direct, individual membership figures as reported by the parties (in the article we show, moreover, that there is a strong correlation with the data come from survey research exists, however disadvantage of the survey data is that this level of party membership systematically overestimate). We analyze both the level of party membership expressed in raw numbers (M) and the party membership as a percentage of the electorate (M / E), an indicator that is more suitable for transnational comparisons. Adapted from the source document.

Analysis of the distribution of political power in Brussels, Belgium, in terms of regional SES reveals that political power, assessed through residence of office-holders, is disproportionately concentrated in high SES areas; the few office-holders in lower SES districts appear to be among the least influential. Power distribution variances between French- & Dutch-language parties are examined, noting the r of the former with high SES & the latter with lower SES areas. Representation of the Brussels Wc has been restricted since WWII, despite attempted "democratization" of the Belgian political process. 7 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

Since some years there has been a significant trend in the democratization of health care in the Netherlands. Where in the old days patients used to be able to just rest and receive care, nowadays they have to get active. Not only do they have to keep working as much as possible, they are expected to actively participate in their own treatment, like finding out where you can get the best doctor or how to give yourself injections. Also they have to participate in client councils of the hospital. In this book, Margo Trappenburg discusses the positive but foremost the negative aspects of this hyper- democratization of health care. - Nog niet zo lang geleden betekende ziek zijn dat je was vrijgesteld van maatschappelijke verplichtingen. Zieken mochten verzuimen van hun werk en zieken hoefden niet mee te doen aan sociale evenementen die zij niet aankonden. Ziek zijn was misschien niet leuk, maar je rustte er wel lekker van uit. Tegenwoordig ligt dat heel anders. Van zieken wordt verwacht dat zij zoveel mogelijk blijven werken en hun normale taken blijven doen. Teveel rust heet therapeutisch onverantwoord. Naast de normale verplichtingen van gezonde burgers krijgen zieken er zelfs een groot aantal taken bij. Zij moeten actief participeren in hun eigen behandeling, ze moeten zichzelf leren prikken, stoma-zakjes verwisselen, oefeningen doen, uitzoeken waar de beste arts zit voor hun specifieke kwaal, en uitzoeken bij welke verzekeraar zij zich het best kunnen inschrijven als klant. Daarnaast moeten ze idealiter meepraten in de cliëntenraad van het ziekenhuis of de instelling waar zij worden behandeld, meedenken met de medici die richtlijnen opstellen over hun ziekte, meepraten met onderzoekers die van hen willen horen waarnaar zij onderzoek zouden willen doen, meedenken met de overheid over zorgvoorzieningen en het basisverzekeringspakket en meedoen aan talloze cursussen, symposia, en themamiddagen over vraagsturing, empowerment en 'het patiëntenperspectief'. Margo Trappenburg bespreekt in Genoeg is genoeg de positieve, maar vooral ook de negatieve gevolgen van deze hyperdemocratisering in de zorg.

The approaches of Jurgen Habermas & Jean-Francois Lyotard are compared with respect to issues in ethics & the philosophy of law. Though both consider language to be both the pivot of & the means to sociopolitical action & events, they differ in their diagnoses about the pathology of politics & society. Their opinions about language, law, morality, & the role of philosophy, politics, & science are compared, & sketched against the background of their general philosophy. While Habermas is a strong defender of the Enlightenment project & maintains that it is possible to apply philosophical ideas in the interest of democratization & the nonviolent settlement of conflicts, Lyotard's postmodern philosophy is more skeptical, asserting that no metadiscourse can exist in the social world that would allow real mediation & conflict settlement. The paradoxes in Lyotard's "language-ontology" philosophy, of which he is well aware, are explored. 6 References. Modified HA

The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism

The aim here is to understand better the governing organizations of Us & high schools in a democratic environment. The Law for U Government Reform is studied & its model of government characterized in terms of ideal models. A small empirical research project was set up to investigate how the rules relative to departmental councils function to reach the objectives they are assigned. One must distinguish between the allotment of responsibility for making decisions on subjects that relate to the U's "output" (teaching, research, degrees) & matters that are related to the U "input." Three conceptions of authority & three models of U government must be noted: (1) the "professional" model (decisions rest with the best qualified scientific personnel), (2) the "corporate" model (every section of the U contributes to the government), & (3) the "council" model (all responsibilities are vested in the whole U). The Law for U Government Reform aims at working out the corporative model. Research must concentrate on the relationship between goals & implementation, & not on evaluating the goals set up by the Law. By & large, nonscientific personnel are represented in the councils. The student position on these councils is strong due to the absenteeism of other members. Propositions initiated by students or nonscientific personnel are a small minority of the adopted propositions. Propositions opposed by a majority of the scientific personnel present are always adopted. The main student input is found in the area of teaching goals. It is doubtful that the intended democratization of decision-making can be effectively accomplished in the framework of the departmental councils. 6 Tables, Appendix. HA Tr & Modified by A. Orianne.

The present article was part of the conference Belgium and its foreign policy of November 2006, organized by the University of Gent and Catholic University Leuven. It presents an evaluation of the Belgian 2006 Presidency of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). A main objective has been to play an active role regarding the institutional reforms. Achieved were: increased efficacy of the organization, and a renewed confidence in communication between eastern- and western-member states (dividing line, Vienna); strengthening of the economic and ecological dimension, with as focus transport (achieved: increased cooperation between member states, special attention for land-locked countries, and transport-related security issues such ash illegal migration, human traffic, drug traffic, and terrorism); fight against international crime and promotion of the rule of law as central topic of the chairmanship (achieved: increased cooperation between member states); a constructive contribution to solving frozen conflicts (achieved: theoretical improvements). Concerning the human dimension of the OSCE: activities concerning access to legal advice, democratization, mediums freedom, trafficking of human beings, tolerance (the Danish cartoon crisis), and increased access of NGOs to OCSE meetings. References. O. van Zijl