This article tests if the democratization process in Central and Eastern Europe coincides with a decrease in number of invalid votes. Using descriptive statistics, we seek for evidence from 67 elections in ten countries from the regions during the period 1990-2012. By the beginning of the 2000s, ten years after the breakdown of communist regime, the percentages of invalid votes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe reached levels comparable to those of the Western European democracies. However, significant differences between regions and countries endure. This article adds to the literature by being the first to inquire into the subject of invalid votes in the Central and Eastern Europe.
The review in 2003 of the territorial-administrative structure for the purpose of replacing the 10 districts with 32 districts, and the creation of 252 new administrative-territorial units of the first level was, to a certain extent, a return to the old administrative organization of the Soviet period. Democratization of the society needs to change the focus towards local initiative and the strengthening of regional centers. The improvement of the administrative-territorial structure is an effective lever to encourage local initiative and to successfully implement the functioning of the public administration. The logical organization of a State's territory contributes to the judicious ordering of state power and administration. It meets the general interest and fully meets the local needs and requirements contained in the administrative-territorial units. The administrative organization of the territory must meet the judicious division of the territorial limits taking into account the traditions, mentalities and the needs for good governance and democratic criteria. The option for a particular model of administrative-territorial organization must be the result of deep scientific investigation. The territorial-administrative reform requires a thorough preparation. It is necessary to provide substantiation of political, economic, social and financial standing of such actions. The problem of financial resources, which primarily refers to training local taxation, is a vital issue. This is because it involves financial autonomy, a central component of local autonomy, without which the decentralization can not work. Insufficient training can lead to some unexpected consequences or compromising actions. In organization and demarcation of territorial administrative units (by number, structure, size, etc.) the social, material, financial costs and all the activities related to them can not be neglected for a short, medium or long term.
In this article is analyzed the essence and importance of soft power in the US foreign speech, as well as directions of activity of this instrument under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova. The soft power concept, its manifestations and its main sources are determined. It is argued that soft power is a mean to obtain favorable results, relying on conviction, voluntary participation, sympathy and attraction, representing the ability to influence other states in order to achieve own goals, through cooperation in certain areas, directed towards persuasion and formation of a positive perception. It is noted that the US government pays particular attention to soft power tools, implemented by both government agencies and a large number of community organizations and individuals, with the purpose of shaping a positive external image of the state. Regarding the implementation of the US soft power instruments under the conditions of the Republic of Moldova, it is concluded that the USA offers real opportunities in order to know and capitalize the achievements of the American nation. Given that the US is a superpower on the international arena, development of a strategic partnership between the Republic of Moldova and the US has a particular relevance in solving several problems that our state cope with, such as state integrity, European integration, democratization of society, etc. US has a rich and successful experience in the use of soft power, that is why the Republic of Moldova should "adopt" some certain aspects of the soft action in its foreign policy.
The article explores the way political participation, representation and governance are conceptualized and rationalized by the Romanian legislation on parties. The plurality of parties was initially set up as a way to discipline and organize the political pluralism manifest in society in order to contain it within the boundaries imposed by the Constitution. This disciplinary vocation of parties was confirmed and reinforced by the laws enacted in 1996 and 2003 that embedded parties into a functional vision of democracy where they were explicitly endowed with the public mission of ensuring the political integration of Romanian citizens. The detailed rationalization of parties' mission to organize citizens' political participation and to contain the expression of their political will contrasted sharply with both the ambiguity of their governmental role within the "eclectic" institutional design of the Constitution, and with their organizational friability.
