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Separate individual dispositions to action are not a sufficient condition for demonstrations. Organizational & institutional factors have an equal importance. Ultimately, a demonstration results from a power struggle between organizations to get individuals to support or defend their objectives. In the mobilization process, these organizations use control mechanisms & techniques to influence their members: exploitation of affective & instrumental ties binding individuals to the organization, access to & use of mass media, selective communication by the organizational leaders, & the induction of frustration. Special attention is given to the role of militants & their language's characteristics, in the mobilization process. HA.

It seems that the demonstrations on the Binnenhof in the Hague do not in general affect the views held by those for whose benefit the demonstrations are held: the members of the Second Chamber of the States General. This conclusion is drawn from a small-scale investigation of the effect of such demonstrations, which was undertaken by a number of pol'al sci students of the Free U of Amsterdam. The possible effects of 14 demonstrations held in the parliamentary yr 1968-1969 & in late 1969, were studied. In only one case was there evidence of influence on a number of Second Chamber members: the demonstrations held by young workers on Jun 26 & Nov 1, 1969. These demonstrations differed from most others in the mass participation, the careful preparation & org, the extensive coverage in the news media & in the wide support given to them, including that of trade unions. 4 Tables, 1 Diagram. HA.

All major postwar political conflicts that made up the face of Belgian politics were accompanied by massive protests & intensive demonstration waves. Analysis of newspaper coverage & of gendarmerie (police) archives confirms this for the 1990s. The 1990-1997 period is marked by an increasing number of demonstrations & demonstrators. The disappearance of the ideological & cultural-linguistical actions was, on the one hand, made up for by the further rising of other issues (environmental, antiracist, judicial, etc), &, on the other, by the near institutionalization of very classic issues like education or employment, which both secured their place on the street. There is no ground to call the 1990s dull; on the contrary, the number of demonstrations grew steadily &, especially in Flanders, R. Inglehart's (1977) perspective of the Silent Revolution of postmaterialist values took to the streets. The wider acceptance of demonstrations as a means of action, growing political alienation, & greater openness of the political system are presented as plausible explanations. 6 Tables, 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

In a test of an earlier study (Cleymans, A., "De niet-aanwezige burger midden de jaren zeventig" [The Non-Present Citizen in the Mid-1970s] in Res Publica, 1985, 1, 140), the structure & selectivity of political participation in the Netherlands & Belgium are compared. Overall political participation since 1973 appears to remain at the same level for a range of ten activities, eg, trying to contact politicians & joining a demonstration. However at the macrolevel, the stability of participation is combined with a constant or slowly rising passive political involvement. The relationship of political involvement & participation with individual & social background characteristics is not very strong in the 1980s. The better educated, leftists, & public employees have the highest participation rates during 1973-1986. Differences between the sexes seems to decrease over time. In Belgium, working outside the home does not appear to stimulate the participation of women; however, in the Netherlands, this factor is of utmost importance. 5 Tables. Modified HA

An attempt to give a classification of internal violence, occurring in 40 developing countries, in order to provide a 'structure of violence' for each country in the period 1950-67, & to r this structure to the changes in the real per capita income of these countries. For the collection of the various items of internal violence, Keesings Historical Archives (Dutch version) was used. They were classified as follows: (1) Diffuse SP unrest (strikes, demonstrations, riots, etc, in which people were wounded, killed &/or property was destroyed). (2) Coup d'etat-like activities. (3) Small guerrillas in the countryside & clusters of (anticolonial) violent actions in the towns. (4) Limited civil or anti-colonial war. (5) 'Endemic' guerrillas. (6) Situation of serious anarchy. (7) .1Pol'al' pogroms of total civil or anticolonial war. A 'profile of violence' for each country was constructed. In the Latin Amer couutries coup d'etat activities prevailed; in several African countries these activities became numerous some yrs after independence was obtained; in the Middle Eastern countries all types of violence occurred; & in the ethnically complicated Asian countries, small & endemic guerrillas frequently arose. A relation between types & extent of internal violence, & level of nat'l income & its yr'ly per capita growth could not be proved. The material suggests that nat'l income & changes therein as such, may not be very interesting variables. Distribution of income & changes therein might be more relevant. The difficulty, however, is to obtain reliable data on these variables. A number of suggestions are made. Modified IPSA.

The results of a res project on small local-pressure groups in Amsterdam, treated within D. Easton's (A SYSTEMS ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL LIFE, New York, NY: 1967) theoretical framework for the analysis of pol'al systems. The municipality of Amsterdam was considered as the pol'al system & the rest of the Netherlands constituted the parameters of the system. The main analytical category used was 'demands,' because the concept 'support' caused considerable problems of operationalization. The activities of the groups are analyzed in 4 phases: feedback-stimuli, feedback-response, feedback-information, & output reaction. In the 1st phase a main distinction was introduced between groups which emerged as a result of an output of the authorities (the intra-genetic), & groups which emerged as a result of a situation in the parameters of the system (the extra-genetic). The 2nd phase includes the interpretation of the stimuli & the resulting formulation of demands. In the 3rd phase a distinction was made between indirect information feedback by means of activities such as demonstrations & appearance in the media of COMM; & direct information feedback by means of a direct contact with the authorities. The 4th phase was mainly dedicated to the behavior of the authorities. The main result of the res was the distinction between intra- & extra-genetic groups. This distinction was important for the following characteristics of the groups: intra-genetic groups more often appoint one man as the spokesman of the group; they consider more the people of certain parts of Amsterdam as concerned by their demands; they are more active in approaching the media of COMM; & are more often approached by authorities. Extra-genetic groups consider more the whole pop of Amsterdam or even the Netherlands as concerned by their demands; are more often related to pol'al parties; have less formal responsibility to the concerned people or members; & feel themselves less tied to the wishes of the people concerned. 5 Figures, 18 Tables. Modified HA.