PLASMATIC (Advanced Predictive Maintenance for the Valencian plastic industrial sector) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of this project is to help the Valencian plastic sector companies to incorporate solutions from the so-called Factory 4.0, via knowledge and technologies in the fields of Big Data, Machine Learning and Business Intelligence. The main result will be an advanced predictive maintenance system to deal with: (i) anomalies detection; (ii) wear prediction; and (iii) maintenance planning optimization. This document shows, in video format,the main project result: SMPa. ; PLASMATIC. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 157.381€. File number: IMDEEA/2018/88
SAIN4 is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). This document shows, in video format, the Prognosis Engine that will allow Valencian companies in the Wood-Furniture and Metal-Mechanical sectors, in general terms, to optimize three factors with an impact on the OEE of the process: Efficiency in Industrial equipment, its availability thanks to the processes of maintenance and the estimation of the Quality in the production. ; SAIN4. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for 2016 with 67.395,60€. File number: IIMDEEA/2017/73
TALENT (Research in Machine Learning techniques applied for open issues within the Industrial Manufacturing sector) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of this project is to advance in the design, implementation and industrialization of contact-free and occlusions-free automated inspection systems, introducing Machine Learning techniques. This will enable companies of the Valencia Region to increase product quality guarantees and thus strengthen their market position. This document contains a summary of the achieved results after the execution of a project in the line of research of applying machine learning techniques to solve different challenges proposed in the industrial sector in order to assess quality of parts manufactured in production lines. ; TALENT. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 199.670,64€. File number: IMDEEA/2017/90
SAIN4 is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). This document shows, in video format, the Advanced Management System (AMS) that allows the companies that allow the Valencian companies of the woodfurniture and metal-mechanical sectors to visualize and interpret the data related to the operation of the production systems in Industry 4.0, as well as the result of prediction engine prognosis and OEE indicators ; SAIN4. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for 2016 with 67.395,60€. File number: IIMDEEA/2017/73
DIGITAL TWINS (Digital Twins in the transition to Industry 4.0) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of the project is to advance in the definition, modeling and construction of Digital Twins in the framework of Industry 4.0, and demonstrate the new dimension of tools and services that can be built on them to improve their transferability and application in the Valencian Community industry. This document shows, in video format, the main project result: digital twin. ; DIGITAL TWINS. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 191.007,30€. File number: IMDEEA/2017/103
DIGITAL TWINS (Digital Twins in the transition to Industry 4.0) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of the project is to advance in the definition, modeling and construction of Digital Twins in the framework of Industry 4.0, and demonstrate the new dimension of tools and services that can be built on them to improve their transferability and application in the Valencian Community industry. This document summarize the works developed to design and prototype a technology to enable the rapid deployment of sensors, and their unattended and long lasting operation, as a solution for agile and assisted ditization with "deploy and forget" tools ; DIGITAL TWINS. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 191.007,30€. File number: IMDEEA/2017/103
The transformation of a group of people into a recognizable social unity is a dynamic process that, in the case of social movements, is always necessarily linked to the celebration of regular ceremonies of protest. In this paper I pay attention to the contemporary Basque Country, according to all empirical evidence the country in the Western world in which protest as a political mean is more frequent and resorted to by different social actors. More in particular, I show the relevance that ritualized mass demonstrations (that is, demonstrations symbolically loaded and regularly scenified in the public sphere) acquire for the survival of a given collective actor, namely the so-called Basque Freedom National Movement. The emotions unleashed during the acts of protest contribute to shore up collective identity and solidarity of a social group that sees itself as threathened as far as its system boundaries are concerned. To the extent that mass acts also have the goal of uniting its participants, the present paper corrects instrumentalist approaches to collective action for which interaction between social movements, on the one hand, and authorities and public opinion, on the other hand, constitutes the main object of attention. ; La conversión de un grupo de individuos en una unidad social reconocible es un proceso dinámico que, para el caso de los movimientos sociales, pasa necesariamente por la celebración de ceremonias regulares de protesta. En este trabajo fijamos la atención en el País Vasco contemporáneo, dado que es, según toda la evidencia empírica disponible, el lugar de Occidente donde más frecuente y rutinaria resulta la protesta como modo de intervención política. En particular, se muestra la relevancia que adquieren las manifestaciones de masas organizadas de forma ritual (es decir, cargadas simbólicamente y escenificadas en la esfera pública de forma periódica y repetitiva) para la supervivencia de un actor colectivo, el Movimiento Vasco de Liberación Nacional. Las emociones desencadenadas en el curso de los actos de protesta coadyuvan a reforzar la identidad y la solidaridad colectivas de un grupo social que se percibe a sí mismo como amenazado cuando de preservar sus fronteras sistémicas se trata. En la medida en que los actos de masas cohesionan a sus participantes, el presente trabajo matiza los enfoques instrumentalistas en el estudio de la acción colectiva, para los que la interacción entre los movimientos sociales, por un lado, y las autoridades y la opinión pública, por otro lado, constituye el objeto privilegiado de estudio.
Abstract: This article focuses on the demonstrations before the Parliament. This issue demands to guarantee both the excercise of a fundamental right as well as the normal activity of this institution. It is commented the regulation existing in the United Kingdom and briefly the solution adopted in other Europenan countries. Then the Spanish situation is analyzed. At this point, the outcome is that both the proposed and existing legislation are clearly insufficient to reconcile these two requirements. What is needed more than safeguard the public order general is to protect the functioning of a key institution for democracy such as Parliament. And that may require more precise provisions. ; Summary:1. Justification of the present commentary. 2. The importance of the right of pubblic assembly and demonstration before the parliamentary headquarters. 3.Reference to the solution adopted in other countries. 4. The right of demonstration in front of the British Parliament. 5. The right of demonstration before the Congress of Deputies, the Senate and territorial parliaments. ADDENDA. The decision 31/2014, of 7 July, of the Audiencia Nacional, on the demonstration violent before the catalan Parliament.Resumen:Se expone la problemática de las manifestaciones ante el Parlamento, cuestión en la que se hace necesario garantizar tanto el ejercicio de un derecho fundamental como la normal actividad de esta institución. Se estudia la regulación vigente en el Reino Unido y, tras una breve referencia a la situación de otros países, se analiza la situación española. En este punto se comprueba que tanto la legislación vigente como la proyectada resultan claramente insuficientes para compatibilizar estas dos exigencias. Más que de salvaguardar el orden público general se trata aquí de proteger el funcionamiento de una institución clave para la democracia como es el Parlamento. Y esto puede requerir normas más precisas. Abstract: This article focuses on the demonstrations before the Parliament. This issue demands to guarantee both the excercise of a fundamental right as well as the normal activity of this institution. It is commented the regulation existing in the United Kingdom and briefly the solution adopted in other Europenan countries. Then the Spanish situation is analyzed. At this point, the outcome is that both the proposed and existing legislation are clearly insufficient to reconcile these two requirements. What is needed more than safeguard the public order general is to protect the functioning of a key institution for democracy such as Parliament. And that may require more precise provisions.
El artículo compara dos movilizaciones en la argentina de entreguerras. Demuestra las diferencias en la comprensión del poder, en la relación de las masas con el poder y en las formas de incorporación de las masas a la política democrática que tenían los nacionalistas y la UCR. Sostiene que ambos grupos políticos apelaron a las emociones para movilizar a la población y se valieron de ellas para validar o impugnar la capacidad política de las masas. Dolor, respeto, sumisión, solemnidad, fue el registro emocional validado por los nacionalistas que impactaba directamente en las formas de participación política y por ende en la cultura política. Los radicales muestran un régimen emocional más heterogéneo que no descuidó el orden, que apeló en ocasiones a la violencia pero que incorporó también el entusiasmo, la exaltación y la alegría como emociones positivas y constitutivas de la experiencia política de las masas. Con las herramientas de la historia social y cultural, el artículo brinda una visión más comprensiva de las prácticas y de la cultura política en la argentina de los años treinta en particular y del período de entreguerras en general. ; The article compares two demonstrations during the interwar period in Argentina. It casts light over the differences in the ways nationalists and the UCR understood power, masses' relationship to power and the ways of bringing masses into democratic politics. Both political groups appealed to emotions to mobilize the population and manipulated them in order to validate or challenge masses' political capacity. Pain, respect, submission, solemnity, built up nationalists' valid emotional register; which directly impinged on the forms of political participation and therefore in the political culture. While radicals (UCR) showed a far more heterogeneous emotional regime that did not neglect order appealing to violence on occasions, but also building on enthusiasm, excitement and joy as positive and constitutive emotions of the political experience of the masses. Drawing on social and cultural history notions, this article offers a comprehensive view on Argentina's political practices and culture during the interwar period, with a special focus on the 1930s experience.
El artículo compara dos movilizaciones en la argentina de entreguerras. Demuestra las diferencias en la comprensión del poder, en la relación de las masas con el poder y en las formas de incorporación de las masas a la política democrática que tenían los nacionalistas y la UCR. Sostiene que ambos grupos políticos apelaron a las emociones para movilizar a la población y se valieron de ellas para validar o impugnar la capacidad política de las masas. Dolor, respeto, sumisión, solemnidad, fue el registro emocional validado por los nacionalistas que impactaba directamente en las formas de participación política y por ende en la cultura política. Los radicales muestran un régimen emocional más heterogéneo que no descuidó el orden, que apeló en ocasiones a la violencia pero que incorporó también el entusiasmo, la exaltación y la alegría como emociones positivas y constitutivas de la experiencia política de las masas. Con las herramientas de la historia social y cultural, el artículo brinda una visión más comprensiva de las prácticas y de la cultura política en la argentina de los años treinta en particular y del período de entreguerras en general. ; The article compares two demonstrations during the interwar period in Argentina. It casts light over the differences in the ways nationalists and the UCR understood power, masses' relationship to power and the ways of bringing masses into democratic politics. Both political groups appealed to emotions to mobilize the population and manipulated them in order to validate or challenge masses' political capacity. Pain, respect, submission, solemnity, built up nationalists' valid emotional register; which directly impinged on the forms of political participation and therefore in the political culture. While radicals (UCR) showed a far more heterogeneous emotional regime that did not neglect order appealing to violence on occasions, but also building on enthusiasm, excitement and joy as positive and constitutive emotions of the political experience of the masses. Drawing on social and cultural history notions, this article offers a comprehensive view on Argentina's political practices and culture during the interwar period, with a special focus on the 1930s experience.
El artículo compara dos movilizaciones en la argentina de entreguerras. Demuestra las diferencias en la comprensión del poder, en la relación de las masas con el poder y en las formas de incorporación de las masas a la política democrática que tenían los nacionalistas y la UCR. Sostiene que ambos grupos políticos apelaron a las emociones para movilizar a la población y se valieron de ellas para validar o impugnar la capacidad política de las masas. Dolor, respeto, sumisión, solemnidad, fue el registro emocional validado por los nacionalistas que impactaba directamente en las formas de participación política y por ende en la cultura política. Los radicales muestran un régimen emocional más heterogéneo que no descuidó el orden, que apeló en ocasiones a la violencia pero que incorporó también el entusiasmo, la exaltación y la alegría como emociones positivas y constitutivas de la experiencia política de las masas. Con las herramientas de la historia social y cultural, el artículo brinda una visión más comprensiva de las prácticas y de la cultura política en la argentina de los años treinta en particular y del período de entreguerras en general. ; The article compares two demonstrations during the interwar period in Argentina. It casts light over the differences in the ways nationalists and the UCR understood power, masses' relationship to power and the ways of bringing masses into democratic politics. Both political groups appealed to emotions to mobilize the population and manipulated them in order to validate or challenge masses' political capacity. Pain, respect, submission, solemnity, built up nationalists' valid emotional register; which directly impinged on the forms of political participation and therefore in the political culture. While radicals (UCR) showed a far more heterogeneous emotional regime that did not neglect order appealing to violence on occasions, but also building on enthusiasm, excitement and joy as positive and constitutive emotions of the political experience of the masses. Drawing on social and cultural history notions, this article offers a comprehensive view on Argentina's political practices and culture during the interwar period, with a special focus on the 1930s experience.
The article compares two demonstrations during the interwar period in Argentina. It casts light over the differences in the ways nationalists and the UCR understood power, masses' relationship to power and the ways of bringing masses into democratic politics. Both political groups appealed to emotions to mobilize the population and manipulated them in order to validate or challenge masses' political capacity. Pain, respect, submission, solemnity, built up nationalists' valid emotional register; which directly impinged on the forms of political participation and therefore in the political culture. While radicals (UCR) showed a far more heterogeneous emotional regime that did not neglect order appealing to violence on occasions, but also building on enthusiasm, excitement and joy as positive and constitutive emotions of the political experience of the masses. Drawing on social and cultural history notions, this article offers a comprehensive view on Argentina's political practices and culture during the interwar period, with a special focus on the 1930s experience. ; El artículo compara dos movilizaciones en la argentina de entreguerras. Demuestra las diferencias en la comprensión del poder, en la relación de las masas con el poder y en las formas de incorporación de las masas a la política democrática que tenían los nacionalistas y la UCR. Sostiene que ambos grupos políticos apelaron a las emociones para movilizar a la población y se valieron de ellas para validar o impugnar la capacidad política de las masas. Dolor, respeto, sumisión, solemnidad, fue el registro emocional validado por los nacionalistas que impactaba directamente en las formas de participación política y por ende en la cultura política. Los radicales muestran un régimen emocional más heterogéneo que no descuidó el orden, que apeló en ocasiones a la violencia pero que incorporó también el entusiasmo, la exaltación y la alegría como emociones positivas y constitutivas de la experiencia política de las masas. Con las herramientas de la ...
El artículo compara dos movilizaciones en la Argentina de entreguerras. Demuestra las diferencias en la comprensión del poder, en la relación de las masas con el poder y en las formas de incorporación de las masas a la política democrática que tenían los nacionalistas y la UCR. Sostiene que ambos grupos políticos apelaron a las emociones para movilizar a la población y se valieron de ellas para validar o impugnar la capacidad política de las masas. Dolor, respeto, sumisión, solemnidad, fue el registro emocional validado por los nacionalistas que impactaba directamente en las formas de participación política y por ende en la cultura política. Los radicales muestran un régimen emocional más heterogéneo que no descuidó el orden, que apeló en ocasiones a la violencia pero que incorporó también el entusiasmo, la exaltación y la alegría como emociones positivas y constitutivas de la experiencia política de las masas. Con las herramientas de la historia social y cultural, el artículo brinda una visión más comprensiva de las prácticas y de la cultura política en la argentina de los años treinta en particular y del período de entreguerras en general. ; The article compares two demonstrations during the interwar period in Argentina. It casts light over the differences in the ways nationalists and the UCR understood power, masses' relationship to power and the ways of bringing masses into democratic politics. Both political groups appealed to emotions to mobilize the population and manipulated them in order to validate or challenge masses' political capacity. Pain, respect, submission, solemnity, built up nationalists' valid emotional register; which directly impinged on the forms of political participation and therefore in the political culture. While radicals (UCR) showed a far more heterogeneous emotional regime that did not neglect order appealing to violence on occasions, but also building on enthusiasm, excitement and joy as positive and constitutive emotions of the political experience of the masses. Drawing on social and cultural history notions, this article offers a comprehensive view on Argentina's political practices and culture during the interwar period, with a special focus on the 1930s experience. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
Summary: In 2019, Moscow was the scene of political demonstrations caused by the authorities' blocking of opposition candidates' registration for local elections in the city. These mobilisations represented a real challenge for the political regime as the culmination of a series of citizens' protests, which, due to various factors, spread across the country. Its context, development and possible implications are analysed in this article, both in correlation with the nature of the methods of 'managed democracy' within Russia's electoral autocracy regime, and with the improvement of technological tools against two consequences: political pluralism and restrictions on civil practice. ; Resumen: En 2019, Moscú fue escenario de manifestaciones políticas causadas por el bloqueo de las autoridades al registro de candidatos de la oposición para las elecciones locales de la ciudad. Estas movilizaciones representaron un verdadero desafío para el régimen político por tratarse de la culminación de una serie de protestas ciudadanas que, debido a distintos factores, se extendieron a lo largo y ancho del país. Su contexto, desarrollo y posibles implicaciones se analizan en el presente artículo, tanto en correlación con la naturaleza de los métodos de la "democracia gestionada" dentro del régimen de autocracia electoral de Rusia, como con el perfeccionamiento de las herramientas tecnológicas frente a dos consecuencias: el pluralismo político y las restricciones de la práctica civil.
El siguiente artículo, que se enmarca dentro de la investigación sobre la historia reciente del País Vasco, tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar un acercamiento a los inicios de la Coordinadora Gesto por la Paz de Euskal Herria en tanto que pionera en las manifestaciones contra la violencia política en el País Vasco. La investigación, realizada principalmente a partir del uso de fuentes hemerográficas, nos permite acercarnos a los precedentes y a los inicios de esta organización que en los 90 llegó a tener cerca de 175 grupos y que fue referente en la movilización social contra el terrorismo. No es una historia de Gesto por la Paz, sino la historia de cómo se gestó. Para concluir, se destaca la importancia que las movilizaciones sociales han tenido en el proceso hacia la paz en el País Vasco, y la importancia de estos grupos en transmitir un mensaje de paz y convivencia para transformar las actitudes sociales violentas o incívicas. ; This article, which is part of researches into the recent history of the Basque country, has as fundamental objective realize an approach to the beginnings of the Coordinadora Gesto por la Paz de Euskal Herria, pioneer in the demonstrations against the political violence in the Basque country. The research conducted mainly from newspaper sources allows us to approach the precedents and the early stages of this organization which in the 90s reached nearly 175 groups and was benchmark in social mobilization against terrorism. It is not a history of Gesto por la Paz, but is the history of how was conceived. To conclude, the importance of the social mobilizations that have had in the process towards peace in the Basque country, and the significance of these groups attempting to transmit a message of peace and connivance to transform the violent or uncivil social attitudes are highlighted herein.
