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2018 was a politically tempestuous time for South Korea as a little over 500, mostly male, Yemeni asylum-seekers landed on Korea's Jeju Island. Their unexpected arrival caught Korean society, already in the midst of its own #MeToo wave off guard, resulting in a wave of pro- and anti-refugee demonstrations across the country. Fueled by real and fake news about refugee illegal activities in Europe, anti-refugee backlash in Korea took an Islamophobic and feminist tone. Based on digital ethnography, this article presents observations from online voices – refugees, feminists, and media actors – expressed through Naver News and Naver Cafes to assess the ways in which Korea's refugee crisis was represented in local and global anti-refugee and Islamophobic narratives, aimed in particular at Muslim men. This research highlights the impact of European narratives on Korean society and raises questions over how Korean society can create a wider, inclusive digital democracy.

Wang Dan 王丹, geboren 1969 in Beijing, war eine der bekanntesten Führungsper­sönlichkeiten der Proteste auf dem Tian'anmen-Platz 1989, die eine weitgehende politische Liberalisierung und Demokratisierung forderten. Nach der blutigen Niederschlagung der Demonstrationen musste Wang untertauchen, stellte sich den Behörden aber nach etwa einem Monat. Er wurde zu vier Jahren Haft verurteilt. Nach seiner Freilassung blieb er politisch aktiv und wurde daher 1995 ein weiteres Mal verhaftet. Im Jahr darauf entschieden die Richter, Wang für ganze elf Jahre im Gefängnis verschwinden zu lassen – aber schon im April 1998 erlaubte die chinesi­sche Regierung ihm, für eine "medizinische Behandlung" in die USA auszureisen. Dort nahm Wang ein Studium in Harvard auf und schloss es 2008 mit einer Promo­tion in Geschichtswissenschaft und Ostasiatischen Sprachen ab. Ab 2009 hielt er sich in Taiwan auf, wo er an verschiedenen Universitäten lehrte. Sowohl in den USA als auch in Taiwan blieb er durchweg politisch aktiv und warb für eine grund­le­gende politische Reform seines Heimatlandes. 2017 entschloss er sich, Taiwan wie­der zu verlassen und in die USA zurückzukehren (China verweigert ihm bis heute die Einreise). Die Gründe dafür legte er nicht nur in dem hier übersetzten Artikel dar, sondern auch auf einer Pressekonferenz, die wohl nicht zufällig am 4. Juni stattfand. 2018 gründete er in Washington die Denkfabrik Dialogue China 對話中國, die möglichst viele Personen aus aller Welt, die an einer politischen Libe­ra­lisierung Chinas interessiert sind, zusammenbringen möchte, um einschlägige Konzepte und Wege zu diskutieren.

In Being and Event, Alain Badiou disconnects the infinite from the One and the Absolute, thus recasting the basis from which to craft a new theory of generic subject, the existence of which is demonstrated through set theory. In Logics of Worlds, Badiou turns his attention to the modes by which this subject appears in a world. It does so by being incorporated as a subjectivizable body, a body of truth. As opposed to Being and Event, the demonstration of this argument takes shape according to two distinct levels, that of a "calculated phenomenology" and that of a formalism in which category theory provides a general logic, the combination of which delineates an "onto-logic". In this essay, we trace Badiou's derivation of the notion of body of truth and evaluate the innovative phenomenological methodology applied to explain its association with a world.

AbstractDoes social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.

This article indicates the range of government interest in wellbeing, briefly describes the emergence of social pedagogy in the UK generally and indicates the part played in it by the UK governments since 2000. This is followed by a short account of the principles of social pedagogy and the profession and education of social pedagogues. There follow descriptions of pedagogy practice, accompanied by examples of government statements (focused on England) that are compatible with these. The article goes on to consider examples where social pedagogy has been introduced into English and Scottish children's services, drawing on Claire Cameron's overview of evaluations of demonstration and pilot projects. These evidence some congruence between the practice reported – and its effects – and the recommendations of government on promoting wellbeing. Finally, the article considers the conditions necessary for the continuing growth of social pedagogy, and social pedagogic approaches in the UK.

AbstractTranscriptomics, regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF), and a virtual reality-based spatial motor task were integrated using mediation analysis in a novel demonstration of "imaging omics." Data collected in National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division I football athletes cleared for play before in-season training showed significant relationships in 1) elevated levels of miR-30d and miR-92a to elevated putamen rCBF, 2) elevated putamen rCBF to compromised Balance scores, and 3) compromised Balance scores to elevated microRNA (miRNA) levels. rCBF acted as a consistent mediator variable (Sobel's test P < 0.05) between abnormal miRNA levels and compromised Balance scores. Given the involvement of these miRNAs in inflammation and immune function and that vascular perfusion is a component of the inflammatory response, these findings support a chronic inflammatory model in these athletes with 11 years of average football exposure. rCBF, a systems biology measure, was necessary for miRNA to affect behavior.

Abstract
Despite the rich variety of entertainment in Western European countries, some people choose to spend their limited spare time participating in the democratic process. They not only go to the polls at election time, but also sign political petitions, take part in legal demonstrations, contact politicians and participate online. These people's actions are relevant to their democratic systems so this paper aims to provide a better understanding of their participation. We present new evidence from a large-scale survey in Austria. In our analysis, we examine a new concept of feeling discontented, we focus on individuals' perceptions of how society is developing in relation their own situation, and argue that these judgements drive their participation. We find that a feeling of discontent has a positive effect on participation, as do internal efficacy and social capital. However, discontented people with high levels of external efficacy tend to participate less.

Abstract
Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations.

Abstract. This Community Partnership Program (PKM) aims to provide training as well as assistance for village officials in accounting for financial transactions. The partners of this activity are officials and employees of the Munte Village Government, Tanalili District, North Luwu Regency. Partner problems are: (1) limited knowledge in bookkeeping financial transactions, (2) there is an obligation for the Village Government to carry out financial administration and submit reports, and (3) limited human resources owned by the Village Government. The targets of this activity are village officials and Village Government employees who are able to book and record financial transactions. The methods used are: lectures, demonstrations, discussions, questions and answers, and partner assistance. The results achieved are (1) partners have knowledge in bookkeeping and recording of Village Government financial transactions, and (2) partners have the skills to compile Village Government financial reports in accordance with applicable Government Accounting Standards.

Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations.

Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

Forests across the world stand at a crossroads where climate and land-use changes are shaping their future. Despite demonstrations of political will and global efforts, forest loss, fragmentation, and degradation continue unabated. No clear evidence exists to suggest that these initiatives are working. A key reason for this apparent ineffectiveness could lie in the failure to recognize the agency of all stakeholders involved. Landscapes do not happen. We shape them. Forest transitions are social and behavioral before they are ecological. Decision makers need to integrate better representations of people's agency in their mental models. A possible pathway to overcome this barrier involves eliciting mental models behind policy decisions to allow better representation of human agency, changing perspectives to better understand divergent points of view, and refining strategies through explicit theories of change. Games can help decision makers in all of these tasks. ; ISSN:2590-3322

Forests across the world stand at a crossroads where climate and land-use changes are shaping their future. Despite demonstrations of political will and global efforts, forest loss, fragmentation, and degradation continue unabated. No clear evidence exists to suggest that these initiatives are working. A key reason for this apparent ineffectiveness could lie in the failure to recognize the agency of all stakeholders involved. Landscapes do not happen. We shape them. Forest transitions are social and behavioral before they are ecological. Decision makers need to integrate better representations of people?s agency in their mental models. A possible pathway to overcome this barrier involves eliciting mental models behind policy decisions to allow better representation of human agency, changing perspectives to better understand divergent points of view, and refining strategies through explicit theories of change. Games can help decision makers in all of these tasks.

In the article, the author focuses on analyzing the features of Ho Chi Minh's diplomatic style on its 5 aspects: the truthfulness, the kindness and the beauty; wise diplomatic intelligence, independent, autonomy and creativity; cultural diplomacy; diplomatic conduct; the principle of «firm in objectives, flexible in strategies and tactics» and the art of «mindfulness». Thereby, the article continues to affirm the great merits and great contributions of President Ho Chi Minh to the Vietnamese diplomacy and revolutionary career, which is a clear demonstration of diplomatic style, scientific thinking, sharp political visions, the falling of one leaf heralds the autumn and the skill of «conquering people's hearts». This is a scientific basis for foreign policy, especially in order to strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Vietnam and Russia and to celebrate the 70th anniversary of establishing diplomatic relations between the two peoples in the context of globalization.

Forests across the world stand at a crossroads where climate and land-use changes are shaping their future. Despite demonstrations of political will and global efforts, forest loss, fragmentation, and degradation continue unabated. No clear evidence exists to suggest that these initiatives are working. A key reason for this apparent ineffectiveness could lie in the failure to recognize the agency of all stakeholders involved. Landscapes do not happen. We shape them. Forest transitions are social and behavioral before they are ecological. Decision makers need to integrate better representations of people's agency in their mental models. A possible pathway to overcome this barrier involves eliciting mental models behind policy decisions to allow better representation of human agency, changing perspectives to better understand divergent points of view, and refining strategies through explicit theories of change. Games can help decision makers in all of these tasks.