Suchergebnisse

Globalizirani svet, v katerem živimo danes, je zaznamovan z gospodarsko odvisnostjo, ki jo lahko merimo z medsebojnim sodelovanjem držav. Zaradi tega je tudi gospodarstvo z leti prevzelo osrednjo vlogo pri diplomatskem delovanju. Razlika med tradicionalno in moderno diplomacijo je vse manjša. Gospodarska diplomacija je postopoma postala osrednja aktivnost diplomacije in mednarodnih odnosov. Analizirana in obdelana je bila na teoretičnem področju, kjer jo lahko razumemo kot sredstvo zunanje politike. To velja tudi za Republiko Hrvaško, ki je država z zelo dolgo zgodovino diplomacije. Že v času Dubrovniške republike je oblast prepoznala pomen mednarodnega sodelovanja za doseganje medsebojnih koristi. Tudi danes, v globaliziranem svetu, lahko prepoznamo pomen gospodarske odvisnosti in s tem tudi intenziviranja gospodarskih odnosov med državami. Da bi gospodarsko dobro sodelovala z ostalimi državami, je tudi Hrvaška razvila model gospodarske diplomacije, s katerim lahko zaščiti svojo gospodarsko rast in razvoj ter se pozicionira v mednarodnem okolju. Veliko vlogo pri tem ima Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica, ki je odprla svoja Predstavništva v različnih delih sveta. Cilj tega delovanja je promocija hrvaških podjetnikov ter privabljanje tujih naložb in s tem tudi večanje ugleda države v mednarodni areni. Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica ima velik vpliv na hrvaško gospodarstvo zaradi delovanja v tretjih državah, kjer sodeluje pri organizaciji sejmov in celotni promociji države. Tako delovanje Hrvaške gospodarske zbornice predstavlja most med državo in gospodarstvom in je zaradi aktivne udeležbe na mednarodnih trgih njeno delovanje velikega pomena za hrvaško zunanjo politiko in (gospodarsko) diplomacijo. ; The globalized world we live in today is marked by economic dependance, which can be measured by the mutual cooperation of countries. As a result, the economy has also taken on a central role in diplomatic action over the years. The gap between traditional and modern diplomacy is getting weaker, since they often overlap. Economic diplomacy has gradually become a central activity of diplomacy and international relations. Economic diplomacy has been analyzed in the theoretical field, is understood as means of foreign policy. This also applies to the Republic of Croatia, a country with a long history of diplomacy. The authorities in the times of the Republic of Dubrovnik already recognized the importance of economic dependance and thus the intensification of economic relations between countries. In order to cooperate economically with other countries, Croatia has also developed a model of economic diplomacy with which it can protect its economic growth and development, while also positioning itself in the international environment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce plays an important role with opening different Representative Offices all over the world. The aim of these operations is to promote Croatian enterpreneurs and attract foreign investment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce has a great influence on the Croatian economy, especially because of its operations in third countries. Thus, operations of the Croatian Chamber of Commerce represent a bridge between the state and the economy, and due to its active participation in international markets, its operations are important for Croatian foreign policy and (economic) diplomacy.

The article presents the starting points for forming the language of diplomacy
as expert language. It focuses on the question of the development of
diplomatic language in Slovenia, its characteristics as well as the challenges
that emerge in its formation. The author presents the meaning of the formation
of terms in diplomacy in the Slovenian language, which not only enrich
and create the expert diplomatic language, but also determine the degree of
linguistic authenticity and statesmanship in Slovenia. The key finding of the
article is that two steps are required for the development of expert diplomatic
language. First, the state (i.e., the competent ministries, the Assembly, the
president of the Republic etc.) should become aware that the diplomatic language
in Slovenia has been relatively overlooked and is due special attention.
Second, establishment of a working group is required which would connect
different state actors with the aim of forming a modern linguistic corpus of
terms of expert diplomatic language that would not only enrich the expert
language of diplomacy and its everyday use among its practitioners, but also
position the language of diplomacy among the state-building components.
Keywords: diplomacy, language, Slovenia, word formation, terminological
agreement

V sodobni obrambnodiplomatski praksi vse pogosteje zasledimo gostujoče obrambne atašeje. Države so jih začele vpeljevati zaradi pritiskov po racionalizaciji obrambnodiplomatske dejavnosti, ki so se okrepili z začetkom zadnje finančne krize in gospodarske recesije. Z nalogo proučujemo funkcionalnost gostujočih obrambnih atašejev ter njihove prednosti in slabosti v primerjavi z rezidenčnimi diplomati. Posamezne slabosti poizkušamo relativizirati z vidika razvoja sodobnih informacijskih in komunikacijskih tehnologij ter okrepljenega zaupanja in spremenjene miselnosti mednarodnih odnosov, zaradi katerih se spreminjajo tudi naloge in funkcije obrambne diplomacije. Na podlagi mednarodne primerjave oblikujemo priporočila za organizacijo dela in izvajanje diplomatske dejavnosti gostujočih atašejev, med prednostmi pa podrobneje razdelamo njihovo vlogo v funkciji razvoja karierne poti. Slednja bi lahko še posebej koristila državam z omejenim diplomatskim aparatom, ki nimajo vzpostavljenih inštrumentov kadrovske selekcije ter inštitucij za izobraževanje in usposabljanje bodočih diplomatov. Hkrati proučujemo prevladujoče čine v obrambni diplomaciji ter obseg obrambnodiplomatskega delovanja, tako na strani držav pošiljateljic kot držav sprejemnic. Na splošno so čini obrambnih diplomatov bolj kot od značilnosti držav in oboroženih sil odvisni od različnih političnih, gospodarskih in kadrovskih dejavnikov, vključno z načelom recipročnosti, politično propagando, izzivi vojaškega kariernega razvoja ter promocijo vojaško-industrijskega kompleksa. Z vidika držav sprejemnic pa najštevilčnejše obrambnodiplomatske aparate ter diplomate z najvišjimi čini najdemo v vodilnih vojaških in političnih velesilah, s čimer jim države pošiljateljice izkazujejo posebno priznanje, pozornost in čast. Čini obrambnih predstavnikov pri mednarodnih organizacijah pa odražajo predvsem obseg prevzetih obveznosti posamezne države do konkretne mednarodne inštitucije. Kot zanimivost velja izpostaviti še izjemno nizek delež žensk v obrambni diplomaciji. Poglavitne ugotovitve obeh raziskav apliciramo na slovenski obrambnodiplomatski sistem. ; Contemporary defence diplomacy is earmarked by Roving Defence Attachés. Countries started to introduce them under the pressure to rationalize defence diplomacy, culminating in the last financial crisis and economic recession. Master's Thesis examines the functionality of Roving Defence Attachés, and their advantages and disadvantages compared to Resident Defence Attachés. Particular disadvantages are relativized and diminished in the light of modern information and communication technologies, increased mutual trust and mind-set shift in international relations, resulting in changes of tasks and functions of defence diplomacy. Based on international comparative analysis we put forward recommendations for work organization and activities management of Roving Defence Attachés. Among the advantages of Roving Attachés we elaborate in more detail the function of career development. The latter could be especially beneficial for countries with limited diplomatic apparatus, lacking human resource selection tools along with the education and training institutions for future diplomats. At the same time we examine prevailing military ranks in defence diplomacy and the scope of defence diplomacy engagement, from both perspectives of sending and receiving states. The military ranks of defence diplomats depend more political, economic and human resource factors, including reciprocity principle, political propaganda, the challenges of military career development and the promotion of military industrial complex, than the characteristics of states and their armed forces. From the viewpoint of receiving states the largest defence diplomacy corps and the diplomats with the highest military ranks can be found in leading military and political superpowers, as the sending states try to express special recognition, attention and honour to them. The military ranks of defence representatives in international organizations by-and-large reflect the assumed responsibilities of a country towards respective international entity. You may find interesting the extremely low proportion of women in defence diplomacy. Main research findings are applied to Slovenian defence diplomacy system.

Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.

Abstract. The study tries to discover to what extent knowledge of the local language of a diplomat's host country, and language skills generally, are considered while selecting candidates for EU delegation heads in the European External Action Service. With this aim, the study examines possible correlations between languages spoken by the EU delegation heads and the official languages in their respective host countries. It is concluded that a correlation often exists between the language(s), and especially mother tongues, spoken by the EU delegation heads and the official language(s) in the countries to which they are posted and, thus, a candidate's knowledge of the host country's official language is usually taken into account in the selection of candidates for EU delegation heads, although this criterion seems to carry different weight for candidates from various EU member countries. Keywords: EEAS, heads of EU delegations, EEAS staffing policy, EU diplomacy, languages in diplomacy

Integrity and transparency are crucial elements of modern democratic countries, and trust in politico-administrative institutions must be pursued and maintained at every turn, including when it comes to reporting ceremonial gifts. Despite their (often) problematic connotations, ceremonial gifts are a major element of building strong relationships, from the highest positions in politics and diplomacy to the closest public servants. This article examines data concerning reported gifts in the Republic of Slovenia. Through in-depth statistical analysis, the authors established anomalies in the reporting of ceremonial gifts, in particular flawed descriptions of gifts and problematic assessment of their monetary values, which in most cases is left to the layperson. The authors conclude that a problem clearly exists with implementation of the normative framework because only the technical aspect and less the qualitative side is taken into account while reporting ceremonial gifts. Keywords: ceremonial gifts; reporting; anomalies; transparency; trust; Slovenia

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

V članku, ki temelji predvsem na arhivskem gradivu in publicistiki, je predstavljeno politično delovanje Ivana Švegla, nekdanjega avstro-ogrskega konzula v Združenih državah Amerike in Kanadi, ki je po prevratu deloval na pariški mirovni konferenci. V Začasnem narodnem predstavništvu v Beogradu je predstavljal Trst, na volitvah leta 1927 pa je kandidiral na listi Hrvaške kmečke stranke Stjepana Radića. V tem prispevku so predstavljene širše okoliščine Šveglove povezanosti z Radićevo stranko. ; This article presents the political activities of the Slovene diplomat and legal expert Ivan Krizostom Švegel (a.k.a. Hans Schwegel, 1875–1962), who primarily served as an Austro-Hungarian consul in the United States and Canada before the First World War. Although his involvement in the delegation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 has not passed unnoticed in Slovene historiography, less is known about his political career. Švegel already expressed his sympathies for the Croatian national demands at the Paris Peace Conference, especially by interceding with American diplomats for the incorporation of Rijeka by Yugoslavia and helping his Croatian counterparts settle the question concerning the affiliation of the Repaš (Hung. Répás) area along the Drava River. In the Temporary National Representation in Belgrade, Švegel represented Trieste and worked within the framework of the Yugoslav Club, headed by the president of the Pan-Slovene People's Party, Anton Korošec. However, Švegel soon parted ways with Korošec and withdrew from active politics for a few years. In the election of 1927, he ran on the ticket of the Croatian Peasant Party in the Gorski Kotar region at the personal proposal of Stjepan Radić and made his way into the Croatian parliamentary representation in the Belgrade assembly. Radić's decision to nominate Švegel as a Slovene candidate in one of the traditionally winnable Croatian constituencies for his party undoubtedly added to the chagrin of Korošec, who had long been at odds with Radić. Much to the surprise of Radić's most intimate circle, at the end of 1927 Švegel joined the rebellious faction of Ljudevit Kežman, a priest and long-standing secretary of the Croatian Peasant Party. Yet rather than hold him to blame, Radić continued to cooperate with Švegel until the fateful shooting incident in the Belgrade assembly on June 20th, 1928. During the assassination against Radić and his colleagues, Švegel, according to his own testimony, was composed enough to help lift Svetozar Pribićević from his bench to safety. In the early period of the royal dictatorship, Švegel maintained a low profile until the spring of 1930, when he joined the government as a minister without portfolio, together with three other dissidents from the former Croatian Peasant Party. After he was soon forced to leave his position in the royal government, he briefly returned to diplomacy in 1931 by being appointed envoy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Buenos Aires. However, no later than 1932, he was forced to leave his office due to disagreements with other officials at the legation and the heads of the foreign ministry and to retire. As his correspondence with Marija Radić reveals, Švegel also remained a faithful adherent to Radić's views after the Second World War.

Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.