In the 1970s the world was divided due to Cold War tensions, and Cuba in the Americas represented the Soviet Union's stronghold in the U.S. neighborhood. Fidel had cemented an authoritarian regime on the island thanks to the support of the USSR, and exerted strong political influence also in North and Central Africa as part of the communist strategy. The societies of these countries with dictatorships similar to the Soviet model suffered socioeconomic crises due to repression by their own governments and sanctions imposed by the United States and its allies. Condemned to poverty, folklore and culture served them to channel the mood against restrictions and in favor of freedom. ; En la década del 70 el mundo estaba dividido a causa de las tensiones de la Guerra Fría, y Cuba en América, representaba el bastión de la Unión Sovietica en la vecindad estadounidense. Fidel había cimentado un régimen autoritario en la isla gracias al apoyo de la URSS, y ejercía fuerte influencia política, también, en el norte y centro de África como parte de la estrategia comunista. Las sociedades de estos países con dictaduras afines al modelo soviético sufrían crisis socioeconómicas por cuenta de las represiones de sus propios gobiernos y las sanciones impuestas por Estados Unidos y sus aliados. Condenados a la pobreza, el folclore y la cultura les sirvieron para canalizar los ánimos en contra de las restricciones y en favor de la libertad.
While there is potential for conflict in Central Asia over water resources, due to the lack of full implementation of agreed arrangements, there is still very little chance of armed confrontation between countries in the region. In spite of occasional tensions, countries in the region cooperate with each other through international mediation and resolve their disagreements. However, after two decades of international efforts to revitalize the Aral Sea and implement changes to stabilize the ecological situation in the area, the problems of drying this important sea as a major drainage in the Central Asian region, and it does not seem that a proper and applicable solution in the near future in order to end the crisis. The five Central Asian leaders agree on the close proximity of the Aral Sea's drying due to overuse and water losses that enter the sea through the two main rivers of "Amu Darya" and "Syr Darya". These leaders are also aware of the catastrophic consequences of the living and health conditions of about 40 million inhabitants of the coastal area of the Sea. But the political and personal disputes between these leaders will put an end to these negotiations. Also, given that Iran and Afghanistan are common with Central Asian countries in the Aral Sea basin, these countries are also required to be present in the water talks. In order to reply to the main question of how the level of water diplomacy can be promoted in the Aral basin, the authors believe that "Participation of all stakeholders in water talks", "More active role by international organizations", "Review of inappropriate water plans" and "Use of new water resources" in the Aral Sea basin, can settle water disputes through dialogue in the framework of water diplomacy.
Nueva Zelanda, lugar de edición de esta obra, es un país relevante en espacios multilaterales que se ocupan de deporte, género, cultura indígena y fuentes de energía renovable. También es un país destacado en una nueva área de la política internacional poco estudiada en América Latina y el Caribe: la diplomacia científica, actividad que reune dos términos aparentemente incompatibles. Por una parte, la ciencia cuyos actores motivados por su curiosidad y la opción racional de aceptar cambios, principalmente a través de la implementación de métodos de investigación científica. Por otra parte, la diplomacia movilizada por actores que expresan los intereses nacionales y objetivos de la política exterior de los estados (A. Cooper, Heine, & Thakur, 2013; Jacobs & Page, 2005). La diplomacia científica es un mecanismo de diálogo entre científicos y políticos destinado a promover intereses nacionales en áreas del conocimiento, significado éste que es asumido por los compiladores Davis y Patman. Ellos, en efecto, reconocen las contribuciones de la evidencia científica en la formulación de política exterior para brindar respuestas a problemas complejos de la agenda mundial como, por ejemplo, enfermedades infecciosas, escasez de alimentos y cambio climático.
The main objective of this article is to highlight that during the Roman Monarchy the kings had already introduced major initiatives in order to maintain good relations with their neighbors. The mechanisms used, such as embassies, agreements and treaties, all protected and guaranteed by the law and the gods, allow us to distinguish diplomatic formulas that will become the foundations of the coexistence of Rome with other peoples and cultures, as well as a system for foreign relations that, in many ways, can be found in current diplomacy. ; Este artículo tiene como principal objetivo destacar cómo en el período de la monarquía romana ya se pueden ver importantes iniciativas de parte de los reyes, con el fin de mantener buenas relaciones con sus vecinos. Los mecanismos empleados, como las embajadas, los acuerdos y tratados, todos ellos amparados y avalados por el derecho y los dioses, nos permiten distinguir ya fórmulas de carácter diplomático, que se convertirán en las bases de la convivencia de Roma con otros pueblos y culturas, como también, en un sistema para las relaciones exteriores que, en muchos de sus aspectos, los encontramos en la diplomacia actual.
The modern world community is concerned about the search for humane, non-forceful methods for solving hybrid conflicts that characterize the system of international relations of the 21st century. That is why the concept of preventive diplomacy has become popular and in demand. The conflict in the East of Ukraine has shown that this concept has some flaws in terms of its implementation in practice. Using the historical method, the key means of implementing preventive diplomacy are revealed. The article analyzes examples of the use of preventive diplomacy methods for solving conflicts in Europe by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The authors used the method of comparative analysis to compare examples of implementation of the principles of preventive diplomacy by different international players. Attention is drawn to the fact that excessive caution of the OSCE and unwillingness to call Russia a participant in the conflict and even more, so an aggressor country led to skepticism about the organization itself in Ukraine.
La historiografía escrita en inglés sobre la Rebelión Naval en Brasil de 1893 a 1894 ha hecho hincapié en el papel diplomático y naval que las potencias extranjeras jugaron para poner fin a la revuelta. Según esta aproximación, el gobierno brasileño del Mariscal Floriano Peixoto fue débil y no pudo controlar los acontecimientos. En realidad, fue la combinación de firmeza y habilidad diplomática mostrada por Peixoto y su gobierno más que la actividad de las potencias extranjeras, incluídos los Estados Unidos, el factor constante y más influyente que convirtió la Revuelta Naval en un enfrentamiento desigual e hizo que fuera una cuestión de tiempo el que los rebeldes capitularan y fracasara la rebelión. ; Historical writing in English on the Brazilian Naval Revolt of 1893-1894 has stressed the vital diplomatic and naval role that the foreign powers played in bringing about the failure of the revolt. According to this view, the Brazilian government headed by Marshal Floriano Peixoto was weak and at the mercy of events beyond its control. In fact, it was the combination of firmness and skillful diplomacy shown by Floriano and his government rather than the activities of the foreign powers, including the United States, that was the constant and most influential factor which turned the Naval Revolt into an unequal contest and meant that it was only a matter of time before the rebels capitulated and brought their rebellion to an end.
The Diplomatic Institution can be divided into traditional and non-traditional diplomacy. While traditional diplomacy dates back several centuries, non-traditional diplomacy is a relative newcomer, with the USA beginning to project their own values in order to convince enemy societies after the end of World War II. Today all states make use of public diplomacy to achieve their aims in foreign policy; however, many authors (Berridge, 2010) have described public diplomacy as mere propaganda. Due to this lack of credibility, monarchies have assumed increasingly more importance in the area of publicdiplomacy. Spain is no exception. The Spanish Royal Family has played, and continues to play, a fundamental role in both traditional and public diplomacy. There are three key values which the Spanish Monarchy enjoys in respect of the Spanish political system and these are: its political neutrality (Rupérez,2014), its continuity (Turner) and its full identification with Spain. Given these crucial values, the Spanish Monarchy is a more than suitable actor for the implementation of public diplomacy. ; La institución diplomática puede dividirse entre la tradicional y la no tradicional. Mientras que la primera se remonta varios siglos atrás la no tradicional es un fenómeno reciente. Fue después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial cuando los Estados Unidos comenzaron a proyectar sus valores con el fin de convencer a las sociedades enemigas. Hoy todos los Estados hacen uso de la diplomacia pública para alcanzar sus fines. Sin embargo, muchos autores como (Berridge 2010) han calificado a la diplomacia pública como mera propaganda. Para ganar credibilidad se ha buscado implicar en la diplomacia pública a instituciones el estado tales como la monarquía. El caso de España no es una excepción. La Casa Real juega un papel muy destacado en la diplomacia, tanto tradicional como pública. El principal motivo es que tiene tres valores que no tienen ninguna otra institución: neutralidad política (Rupérez, 2014)1, continuidad (Turner)2 e identificación plena con España. Por ello la monarquía española es un actor muy apropiado para la puesta en práctica de la diplomacia pública.
In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents. ; En la última década a nivel internacional la diplomacia se ha adaptado al nuevo contexto tecnológico en el que se enmarcan muchas de las relaciones entre los diferentes actores políticos, sociales y económicos. Los canales online han fortalecido su presencia dentro de las estrategias de comunicación institucional en aras de promover una mejor proyección de su imagen pública y de su reputación digital. De este modo, son muchos los países que han adoptado diferentes medidas para potenciar su diplomacia digital.En el caso de España, las redes sociales se han establecido como uno de los ejes de la ciberdiplomacia con el propósito de atender a los españoles en el extranjero, acercar a los ciudadanos la actividad diplomática y aumentar el conocimiento que en el exterior se tiene del país y de su cultura.El modo en que se configura la presencia española en los medios sociales a través de los perfiles de sus representaciones en el exterior centra la atención de este estudio, que tiene como objetivo conocer la estructura de la diplomacia digital española en redes sociales, así como el uso que se hace de las mismas por parte de los distintos actores digitales._______________________In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents.
Nastase, A.: The role of parliamentary diplomacy in shaping a sustainable democratic security order. - S. 7-16. Cornillon, P.: La diplomatie parlementaire, realite et perspectives. - S. 17-24. Martinez, M. A.: La diplomatie parlementaire. - S. 25-33. Klebes, H.: La diplomatie parlementaire a l'exemple de l'Assemblee parlementaire du Conseil de l'Europe. S. 35-55. Smith, D.: The Assembly of Western European Union - an instrument of parliamentary diplomacy? - S. 57-68. Swaelen, F.: Enhancing European security through parliamentary diplomacy. - S. 69-78. Martin, S.: The role of parliamentary diplomacy in shaping a sustainable democratic security order: An Australian perspective. - S. 79-86. Süssmuth, R.: The role of parliamentary diplomacy in the development of a lasting democratic security order. - S. 87-93. Szürös, M.: The role of parliamentary diplomacy in shaping a sustainable democratic security order: A Hungarian view. - S. 95-97. Wiatr, J. J.: Parliamentary diplomacy after the Cold-War. - S. 99-102. Martinez Ubieda, A.: Rol de la diplomacia parlamentaria en el establicimiento de un sistema democratico internacional de seguridad. - S. 103-104. Raduleso Botica, F.; Duculescu, V.: Parliamentary diplomacy and promotion of national values. - S. 111
The goal of this essay is to draw a concept for Cultural Diplomacy from three points of view: public diplomacy, actors and goals, and the connection between diplomacy and culture. Once we have reached an agreement about the concept, we examine the Spanish model of Cultural Diplomacy. We start from some practical examples to analyze ideas given by different authors about this subject. The main conclusion is a concept of cultural diplomacy as a type of diplomacy where the cultural instruments are used to achieve the diplomatic goals. That is why it is essential to clarify the political messages to be disseminated, which is, maybe, the main flaw of the Spanish model. ; El presente ensayo gira en torno al estado de la cuestión de qué es la diplomacia cultural desde varios puntos de vista, ya planteados por distintos autores: la diplomacia pública, sus actores y objetivos, y la relación entre diplomacia y cultura. Una vez delimitado el concepto, se repasa el modelo español de diplomacia cultural, destacando una serie de apuntes críticos sobre el mismo. En el análisis, hemos partido de ejemplos prácticos de diplomacia cultural, para insertarlos en algunas de las líneas académicas ya planteadas por distintos autores sobre esta cuestión. La principal conclusión es la asunción de la diplomacia cultural como una forma de diplomacia en la que la cultura es un instrumento, siendo esencial, por tanto, la clarificación de los mensajes políticos que quieren transmitirse a través de ésta, que es quizá la principal falla del modelo español.
