Suchergebnisse

Jedan od najdugotrajnijih sukoba u povijesti američke vanjske politike onaj je između Kube i SAD-a. Neke su američke vlade bile više sklone Kubi, dok su neke bile puno opreznije i u potpunosti nesklone bilo kakvim pregovorima. Od prekida diplomatskih odnosa iz 1961. godine SAD Kubi najviše zamjera oduzimanje imovine koju su potom kubanske vlasti nacionalizirale nakon Revolucije, što je dovelo do ekonomskog embarga na uvoz svih roba s Kube. Pozitivni pomaci u zatopljenju odnosa pojavili su se u razdoblju Carterove administracije te se nastavili u doba predsjednika Clintona. Bush Mlađi ne samo da je zadržao postojeće odnose hladnima nego ih je dodatno zahladio raznim zabranama Kubi. Obamina administracija naznačila je promjene koje su dovele do intenzivnih pregovora, pod pokroviteljstvom pape Franje, te do ponovne uspostave diplomatskih odnosa između te dvije zemlje. ; One of the longest lasting conflicts in the history of the United States foreign policy is the one with Cuba. Some US governments were more inclined to Cuba, while others were more cautious or even unwilling to engage in any negotiations. Since suspension of diplomatic relations in 1961, one of the most important objections of the United States was against expropriation and nationalisation of property after the evolution, which resulted in economic embargo on all imports from Cuba. Positive moves in direction of warming of relations appeared during carter administration, and continued during Pre-sident Clinton. Bush Jr. made existing relations even colder by imposing on Cuba additional restrictions. Obama's administration has introduced changes which resulted in intensive negotiations under the patronage of Pope Francis, and which led to reestablishment of diplomatic relations between the two co-untries.

Hrvatski sabor donio je 25. lipnja 1991. Ustavnu odluku o suverenosti i samostalnosti i Deklaraciju o proglašenju suverene i samostalne Republike Hrvatske, čime je objavio i formalizirao volju hrvatskoga naroda i građana Republike Hrvatske izrađenu na referendumu održanom pet tjedana prije. Usvajanjem navedenih dokumenata, a u nemogućnosti postizanja novog političkog dogovora kojim bi se razriješila jugoslavenska državna i politička kriza, Hrvatska je ušla u završnu fazu procesa osamostaljenja. No, unutarjugoslavenske i međunarodne prilike i odnosi nisu predstavljali povoljan okvir hrvatskoga osamostaljenja, nego je u tom procesu Hrvatska nailazila na brojne prepreke, opstrukcije, nerazumijevanja, pa i otpore. Dio međunarodnih aktera, pritisnut odlučnošću hrvatskog političkog vodstva kao i brutalnošću srbijanske oružane agresije, postupno je gradio afirmativan stav prema odluci o izlasku Hrvatske iz SFRJ kao jedinom racionalnom odgovoru na jugoslavensku krizu i rastući velikosrpski nacionalizam i ekspanzionizam. Tri desetljeća nakon sudbonosnih odluka Hrvatskoga sabora prigoda je da podsjetimo na ključne državno-političke i međunarodnopravne akte koji su doveli do priznanja te međunarodne i diplomatske afirmacije Republike Hrvatske, kao i da ukratko ukažemo na one unutarnje i međunarodne dionike koji su se tom procesu odupirali, ali i na one koji su ga podržavali. ; On June 25, 1991, the Croatian Parliament passed the Constitutional Decision on Sovereignty and Independence and passed the Declaration on the Establishment of the Sovereign and Independent Republic of Croatia. In doing so, the Parliament declared and formalized the will of the people and citizens of the Republic of Croatia, which was expressed at a referendum held five weeks earlier. By adopting these documents, and without the possibility of reaching a new political agreement that would dissolve the Yugoslav state and solve the political crisis, Croatia entered the final phase of its independence-gaining process. However, inner Yugoslav and additional international circumstances and relations did not provide a favourable framework for the Croatian independence. In this process, Croatia had to overcome a number of obstacles, an overall lack of understanding, even resistance. Having understood the pressure of decisive Croatian political leadership and the brutality of the Serbian armed aggression, a number of actors on the international stage gradually built their acceptance of the Croatian decision to leave the SFRY. They saw it as the only rational answer to the Yugoslav crisis and the growing Greater Serbian nationalism and expansionism. Three decades after these historic decisions of the Croatian Parliament, it is now a good time to remember the key national political and international legal acts that have led to the international and diplomatic affirmation, as well as the recognition of the Republic of Croatia. This is an opportunity to highlight the local and international stakeholders who resisted this process, as well as those who supported it.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

Foreign policy & diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival & development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four & a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, & established & maintained diplomatic & consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position & through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political & trade relations, both with countries in their continental background & with countries throughout, & beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess & utilize such geopolitical & other relevant characteristics wisely & skillfully in the defense of their independence, sovereignty & economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means & diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts & of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, & then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection," the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing & preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. Adapted from the source document.

The article is an analysis of the metaphor of Munich Agreement in the Czech political & media discourses concerning three foreign policy issues from the last three years: the discord about the diplomatic recognition of Kosovo by the Czech Republic, the discussion of the conflict between Russia & Georgia & the issue of the US radar base in the Czech Republic. The text does not aspire to judge which usage of the analogy with Munich is correct. Instead, it works with it as a specific frame which is intended to mobilize a presupposed national "us" for a specific political agenda. The goal is to depoliticize the political discord -- to solve it by referring to a morally strong precedent & subordinate it to this precedent. Munich is used in this way by the followers of very different political camps. Using the analogy of Munich has two main modalities -- the interventionist modality (it is necessary to intervene against a dictator, not to appease him) & the sovereignist modality (it is necessary to defend the sovereignty of the state against an intervention or against aggressive demands of minorities). The former is more in accord with the use of the Munich analogy by Western politicians, while the latter corresponds more with the Czech context center. Adapted from the source document.

Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.

U radu se na temelju arhivskih izvora, stručne literature i onovremenoga tiska analizira povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine i ostalih dijelova Južne Amerike u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prati se priprema, organizacija, brojnost, transport, dolazak, smještaj i razmještaj iseljenika u domovini. Analizira se i stručna, nacionalna i spolna pripadnost iseljenika povratnika. Posebna pozornost posvećena je odnosima dviju država, Jugoslavije i Argentine, u ovom pitanju. ; Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc. Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina. There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.

Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and other entities such as international organizations. First of all protocol presents guidelines of civilized behavior in dealing with mutual communication. Protocol and their compliance rules has a long and traditionally rich history, rules of the beautiful and civilized behavior was placed on special care and attention from the time of organizing the rich ceremonial occasions in the mansions of great rulers and senior statesmen. The importance of complying with the protocol stems from the fact that through abiding by the rules of conduct set by regulations that define protocol, first and foremost respect and honour are shown towards other states and their representatives, as well as other international entities. Protocol procedures and its strict respect are one of the most important preconditions for successful implementation of state diplomacy.Diplomacy is a discipline through which to promote the interests and power of the state, performance and diplomatic skills depends on solving the important foreign policy and international issues between the countries. The success of diplomacy in the international environment, among other things contributes to the well-organized diplomatic protocol. Diplomacy and protocol must be well coordinated and linked to in the eyes of neighboring countries, Europe and the world so we can create a positive image of the Croatia and what better way to promote its values and benefits. Successful diplomacy is the best promoter of our country, it best builds a positive image of the country and thereby creating a successful and recognizable brand in the Croatian international environment.

Hrana kao esencijalni sastojak ljudske egzistencije oduvijek je igrala važnu ulogu u međudržavnim odnosima i diplomatskoj praksi te je bila korištena kao medij kroz koji se projicira utjecaj, komuniciraju kultura i identitet te poruke koje izražavaju prijateljstvo ili neprijateljstvo. Uloga hrane sve je istaknutija u javnodiplomatskoj praksi različitih država, dok su akademska razmatranja gastrodiplomacije, kulinarske diplomacije ili diplomacije hranom do sada bila ograničena unutar discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj je članka predstaviti različite aspekte ovog novog interdisciplinarnog polja istraživanja široj akademskoj zajednici, polazeći od hipoteze da hrana u sve većoj mjeri postaje prepoznata kao službeno sredstvo meke moći i javne diplomacije. U članku se prezentiraju rezultati inicijalnog istraživanja provedenog među diplomatima akreditiranima u Republici Hrvatskoj te anketnog istraživanja provedenog među studentima Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. ; Food as an essential ingredient of human existence, has always played an important role in interstate relations and diplomatic practice. It has been used as a medium for projecting influence, communicating one's culture, identity and messages that express friendship or enmity. Its role is becoming increasingly prominent in the public diplomacy practices of various countries, while academic accounts on gastro diplomacy, food diplomacy or culinary diplomacy within the International Relations (IR) discipline have so far been limited. The aim of this article is to introduce different aspects of this new, developing field of interdisciplinary research to the wider academic community, building on the hypothesis that food is becoming more recognized as an official soft power or public diplomacy tool. The article contains an analysis based on an initial survey conducted among the diplomats accredited in the Republic of Croatia as well as among the students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb.

Protokol kao disciplina predstavlja skup propisanih i unaprijed utvrđenih pravila lijepog ponašanja, komunikacije i međusobnog ophođenja prilikom političkih, gospodarskih i društvenih aktivnosti države i njezinih predstavnika te drugih pravnih subjekata poput međunarodnih organizacija. Prije svega protokol predstavlja smjernice civiliziranog ponašanja u međusobnom ophođenju i komunikaciji. Protokol i poštivanje protokolarnih pravila ima dugačku i tradicijski bogatu povijest, pravilima lijepog i uljudnog ponašanja pridodavala se posebna pažnja i pozornost još od vremena organiziranja bogatih ceremonijalnih prigoda na dvorovima velikih vladara i visokih državnika. Važnost poštivanja protokolarnih pravila proizlazi iz činjenice da se poštivanjem pravila ponašanja i postupanja unaprijed utvrđenih propisima kojima se definira protokol, prije svega iskazuju poštovanje i čast prema drugim državama i njihovim predstavnicima, te ostalim međunarodnim subjektima. Protokolarna procedura i njeno strogo poštivanje jedan su od bitnijih preduvjeta za provođenje uspješne državne diplomacije. Diplomacija je disciplina putem koje se promiču interesi i moć države, o uspješnosti i vještini diplomatskog znanja ovisi rješavanje bitnih vanjskopolitičkih i međunarodnih pitanja između država. Uspješnosti diplomacije u međunarodnom okruženju između ostalog pridonosi i dobro organiziran diplomatski protokol. Diplomacija i protokol moraju biti dobro iskoordinirani i povezani kako bi u očima susjednih zemalja, Europe i svijeta stvorili pozitivnu sliku Republike Hrvatske, te na što bolji način promovirali njezine vrijednosti i prednosti. Uspješna diplomacija najbolji je promotor svoje zemlje, najbolje gradi pozitivan imidž zemlje i na taj način stvara uspješan i prepoznatljiv brand Republike Hrvatske u međunarodnom okruženju. ; Protocol as a discipline is a set of prescribed and pre-established rules of good manners, communication and mutual dealings during political, economic and social activities of the state and its representatives, and ...

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova. ; Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially 'temporary workers abroad', has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the 'Seventh Republic', and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia's efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.