Suchergebnisse

The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.

This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.

Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research

This research is focused on Indonesia-US diplomatic relations in politics and defense. The relationships are very volatile both in terms of closeness and depth of defense cooperation between the two countries. Bilateral defense cooperation is aimed at improving military relations between the two countries and building professionalism of the TNI - in addition to achieving the Indonesian defense goals such as maintaining the sovereignty and integrity of the country. Indonesia has interest in maintaining defense cooperation with the US due to the fact that the majority of Indonesia's major defense equipment is from the US and other western countries. By taking the perspective of the Susilo B. Yudhoyono administration (2004-2014), defense diplomacy is closely related to the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) program. The MEF program has initiated the Indonesian government to cooperate with the US in the context of maintenance and procurement of weapons that have been embargoed since 1999. This research also finds that among various defense cooperation activities between Indonesia and the US, the major one is actually in the field of education and training, e.g., short courses, staff and command education, seminars, post graduate programs and others. Meanwhile, the other defense cooperation activity, namely defense industry, is still very minor until today. The method of research is qualitative using descriptive analytical collected from the interview of practitioners and from secondary sources such book, paper, and open sources

This thesis departs from the Diplomatic Crisis between Saudi Arabia and Qatar in 2017. In relation to the diplomatic crisis, it was explained that Qatar issued a Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis, and refused to fulfill the 13 demands given by Saudi Arabia and its allies. However, the policy issued by Qatar is inseparable from the encouraging factors. For this reason, this Thesis Writing aims to find out the Factors that encourage Qatar's Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis in 2017. By using KJ Holsti's Foreign Political Study and Literature Study Research Methods, this thesis discovers the Driving Variables namely Oil and Gas Sales Guarantee nature to other countries, Diversification of Economic Sources from the Non-Oil and Gas Sector, Resilience of the Transportation Sector to the Diplomatic Crisis, Alternative Flight Lines, Guaranteed Food Supply from the Outside, Endurance of the Trade Sector against the Diplomatic Crisis and Donald Trump's Defense against Saudi Arabia.

This study aimed to analyze the measures the Government in strengthening the sovereignty of Indonesia in the border region, which includes the strengthening in the areas of national defense, science and technology, as well as strengthening in the field of foreign policy. Indonesia's national sovereignty repeatedly at stake in the face of the world when it happens to border disputes with some neighboring countries, namely Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines. As for the problem within the borders of sovereignty is related to a claim made by Malaysia against some of the areas that became the border area between the Republic of Indonesia and Malaysia. There are at least three cases of border disputes that make the relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia heats up, the Ambalat case, Sipadan-Ligitan, and recently is happening is Tanjung Datu. Indonesia and Malaysia border disputes does not necessarily happen. Dispute Indonesia and Malaysia on the border line in the waters of Sulawesi following a change in the ownership status of the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan, the border line on the island of Borneo (Ambalat), and the latter case that has yet to be resolved by the construction of the stake by Malaysia in Tanjung Datu (West Kalimantan). It is a trigger factor rift diplomatic relations the two countries.In this regard, there needs to the appropriate strategy with regard to strengthening the sovereignty of the Homeland border region is the duty of the Government in an effort to protect the people and maintain the territorial integrity of NKRI. Some recommendations dispute resolution sovereignty border areas studied in this paper, including: (1) Establishing institutional aspects of defense and security by providing strong security of island-outer islands, (2) Establishing institutional aspects of science and technology to conduct training on the management and conservation of resources natural resources (SDA) and the building of infrastructure and transport, as well as (3) to strengthen aspects of foreign policy with increased foreign cooperation with neighboring countries, especially with Malaysia.Keywords: Dispute, Border, Defense and Security, Science and Technology

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.