Suchergebnisse

The MiDi is a collection of individual (i.e. firm-to-firm or private individuals-to-firms) investment relations originally collected to calculate aggregate measures of German foreign direct investment (FDI). It is based on an annual data collection on foreign direct investment stocks that was established by the Deutsche Bundesbank in 1976 in accordance with the German Foreign Trade and Payments Regulation ("Aussenwirtschaftsverordnung"), with the intention to get a better and more accurate picture of the structure and scope of inward and outward FDI of German enterprises. Since 1996, individual companies can be traced over time, which made it possible to prepare a micro-level panel dataset for research purposes. Due to changes in data protection regulation, the available anonymized research data covers all years from 1999 until the respective last currently processed year.

The MiDi is a collection of individual (i.e. firm-to-firm or private individuals-to-firms) investment relations originally collected to calculate aggregate measures of German foreign direct investment (FDI). It is based on an annual data collection on foreign direct investment stocks that was established by the Deutsche Bundesbank in 1976 in accordance with the German Foreign Trade and Payments Regulation ("Aussenwirtschaftsverordnung"), with the intention to get a better and more accurate picture of the structure and scope of inward and outward FDI of German enterprises. Since 1996, individual companies can be traced over time, which made it possible to prepare a micro-level panel dataset for research purposes. Due to changes in data protection regulation, the available anonymized research data covers all years from 1999 until the respective last currently processed year.

Imprint varies: Newark, N.J. : Eltweed Pomeroy, 1895- ; "A non-partisan advocate of pure democracy." ; Has supplement: Vol. 1, no. 7 (Jan. 1895). ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Official organ of the National Direct Legislation League.

Explores the animating theories of the nonviolent direct action movement that, since the 1970s, has stood in opposition to nuclear power plants & weapons, US intervention in Central America, & the Persian Gulf War. It is suggested that the leading theory of social movements, resource mobilization theory, cannot explain the continual reappearance of the nonviolent direction action movement in the US cultural landscape, because it posits a process of social change in which excluded groups form social movements that eventually evolve into interest groups. Borrowing from the work of Alberto Melucci (1989), the nonviolent direct action movement is described as motivated less by the attainment of institutional structures & elite resources than by interaction within affinity groups in a decentralized organizational structure. The process of acting within such groups involves the creation of personal political identities in such a way that a multitude of identities can be connected through a chain of equivalences &, thus, energized to pursue direct political action. In both its explicit political actions & its implicit organizational structure & theory of political action, the nonviolent direct action movement challenges the discursive practices that support the security state. D. M. Smith

Making work a commission -- Helping others help themselves -- Thinking anew about the history of direct sales -- Healing the body through the mind -- Selling without selling -- Motivating rituals -- Planning the departure -- Bringing transformation to South America -- Moving forward, looking back

Der Autor erörtert in seinem Vortrag auf dem Hintergrund seiner Erfahrungen in der Schweiz die Möglichkeiten der direkten Demokratie in Deutschland. Er betont, dass angesichts des modernen Entwicklungsstandes der Rechtsvergleichung und der vergleichenden Rechtspolitik nicht das jeweilige Land mit seinen Besonderheiten, sondern ihr verallgemeinerungsfähiges Gestaltungspotential im Mittelpunkt des Interesses stehen sollte. Im ersten Teil seiner Ausführungen zeigt er die Unterschiede zwischen direkter und repräsentativer Demokratie sowie die hauptsächlichen Rechtfertigungsgründe der direkten Demokratie auf, die in der Bekämpfung autokratischer Willkür, einer sachlich-gemeinwohlorientierten Beurteilung, der politischen Freiheit und der Relativität dieser Rechtfertigungen bestehen. Der zweite Teil hat die bisherigen Entwicklungen in Deutschland im Allgemeinen und den Gesetzesentwurf von SPD und Bündnis 90/Die Grünen im Besonderen zum Inhalt. Im dritten Teil diskutiert der Autor die Perspektiven der direkten Demokratie, die sich z.B. auf den Wandel zur Bildungs- und Informationsgesellschaft, die erzieherisch-integrierende Wirkung, die Qualität der Deliberationsprozesse und finanzwirtschaftliche Vorzüge beziehen.