Social Security Disability Insurance and Veterans Disability Compensation- administered by the Social Security Administration and the Department of Veterans Affairs respectively- are two of the largest federal disability programs, but strongly differ along several dimensions, including the populations served, how each program defines a "disability," as well as varying eligibility requirements. This report provides a description and comparative analysis of the Social Security Disability Administration and the Veterans Disability Compensation program claims.
Pt. 1, Disability issues in public policy; pt. 2, Disability politics and practice. Comparison of the disabled rights movement to the women's rights movement, cost restrictions on some telecommunications decoders, organizing to obtain passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, media treatment of disability, employment of mentally ill persons, parenting standards in the field of child protection, and research and training capacity.
Disability theorists have spent much time discussing how disability is defined. The theoretical roots for these debates reside in the medical, structural, and minority models of disability. The medical model views disability as equivalent to a functional impairment; the minority model sees a lack of equal rights as a primary impediment to social equality between able and disabled populations; and the structural model looks to environmental factors as the cause of disability. While debates over how to define disability are informative, there is currently an insufficient amount of empirical research looking at how people come to identify themselves as having a disability. Rather than focus on how disability is (or should be) defined, herein we look at how disability identities are constructed as people search for work. We show that people's interactions with employers and employment agencies have important influences on how disability identities are constructed. We borrow from the "doing gender" and "racial formations" paradigms to introduce an interactive approach to looking at how disability identities are constructed. We introduce the concept of disability formation to highlight how disability identities are continually negotiated through interactions with employment agencies and employers. Our findings are based on focus groups with 58 people who self‐identified as having a disability and were working or searching for work.
Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- Authors' Note -- Acknowledgements -- Foreword -- Introduction -- I: The Last Years at School -- 1 Teenagers' Disabilities and their Schooling -- 2 The Attainment of Independence and Responsibility -- 3 Social Life: Friendships and the use of Leisure -- 4 Fears and Aspirations about Marriage and Relations with the Opposite Sex -- 5 Psychological Adjustment and Problems -- 6 Factors Associated with Teenagers' Psychological Problems -- II: The Transition from School to Adult Life -- 7 Post-School Placements of the Follow-Up Group -- 8 Stresses Encountered during the Transition Year -- 9 Change and Development in the Post-School Year -- III: Support from Society and the Family -- 10 Provision made in Schools to Facilitate the Transition to Adult Life -- 11 Satisfaction with Vocational and other Services for School Leavers -- 12 Coping with Disability: Theoretical Issues and Findings on the Role of the Family and other Informal Resources -- 13 Conclusions and Recommendations -- Appendices -- A: The Sample: Selection Procedure and Background Information -- B: Useful Addresses -- References -- Index.
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This paper explores injustices experienced by disabled people in the postsocialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on Nancy Fraser's theory of social justice, the analysis proposes a 'matrix' that reveals the negative impact of two factors – state socialist legacy and postsocialist neoliberalization – on disabled people's parity of participation in three dimensions of justice – economic redistribution, cultural recognition, and political representation. The legacy of state socialism has underpinned: segregated service provision; medical-productivist understanding of disability for assessment purposes; denial of disability on everyday level; and weak disability organizing. Neoliberal restructuring has resulted in: retrenchment of disability support through decentralization, austerity, and workfare; stigmatization of 'dependency' through the discourse of 'welfare dependency'; responsibilization of disabled people; and depoliticization of disability organizations by restricting their activities to service provision and incorporating them in structures of tokenistic participation. The analysis is informed by reports and academic studies of disability in the postsocialist region.
"This book provides an essential critical exploration of how disability is presently understood and responded to within the field of education. It forwards a human rights-focused model of disability that mandates the amelioration of people with disabilities within education"--
This dissertation argues that the psychic force that Freud named "the death drive" would more precisely be termed "the disability drive." Freud's concept of the death drive emerged from his efforts to account for feelings, desires, and actions that seemed not to accord with rational self-interest or the desire for pleasure. Positing that human subjectivity was intrinsically divided against itself, Freud suggested that the ego's instincts for pleasure and survival were undermined by a competing component of mental life, which he called the death drive. But the death drive does not primarily refer to biological death, and the term has consequently provoked confusion. By distancing Freud's theory from physical death and highlighting its imbrication with disability, I revise this important psychoanalytic concept and reveal its utility to disability studies. While Freud envisaged a human subject that is drawn, despite itself, toward something like death, I propose that this "something" can productively be understood as disability. In addition, I contend that our culture's repression of the disability drive, and its resultant projection of the drive onto stigmatized minorities, is a root cause of multiple forms of oppression."The Disability Drive" opens with a question: "What makes disability so sexy?" This is a counterintuitive query; after all, the dominant culture usually depicts disability as decidedly unsexy. But by performing a critical disability studies analysis of Freud's writings about sexuality and the death drive, I theorize sex as an intrinsically disabling experience and suggest that fantasies of disability may have an unrecognized sexual appeal. These possibilities lead me to introduce a new interpretive framework, "the sexual model of disability," which I posit as an alternative to disability studies' prevailing analytic paradigm, the social model of disability. While the social model defines disability as a system of oppression that isolates and excludes disabled people, the sexual model of disability goes deeper than this, locating the impetus for these exclusions in our culture's repression of the disability drive. Because disability may provoke an erotic excitement that the ego cannot bear to acknowledge, ableist culture is often torn between an urge to witness disability (e.g., by staring at disabled people) and an impulse to hide disability from view (e.g., by confining disabled people to institutions). The sexual model of disability has the potential to make interventions not only in disability studies but also in a range of other disciplines. In Chapter 1, I bring my account of the disability drive to bear on signal texts in queer theory. In doing so, I proffer an answer to a question that has long troubled disability scholars: given the many similarities between ableism and homophobia, why have queer theorists often been reluctant to engage with disability studies? Observing that founding texts in queer theory repudiate "feminist identity politics" and liken this discourse to madness and to figurative states of blindness and paralysis, I argue that these texts project the disability drive onto feminism, thus allowing queer theory to portray its own erotics as mobile, playful, and physically and mentally able. In Chapter 2, I show that the sexual model of disability can subvert a foundational concept in psychoanalysis: the disease category "hysteria." Analyzing Freud's case history Dora, which was published in 1905, in conjunction with Beyond the Pleasure Principle, which was published in 1920, I argue that Freud's notion of hysteria adumbrates his later theorization of the drive. The diagnostic category of hysteria, I contend, constitutes a projection of the disability drive onto people with what I call "undocumented disabilities," that is, nonapparent impairments for which mainstream western medicine cannot identify biological causes. One effect of this projection is that people with undocumented disabilities are figured as epistemologically disabled; that is, we are seen as distinctively lacking in the capacity to know ourselves.The social position of people with undocumented disabilities differs from that of the paradigmatic subject of disability studies: while people with undocumented impairments are often denied recognition of the disabling suffering that shapes our lives, people with disabilities that are visible and/or documented are frequently subjected to unwanted displays of pity. For this reason, "no pity" has long been a rallying cry of the disability rights movement. But is it possible to proscribe pity? In Chapter 3, I argue that instead of seeking to banish the affect of pity, disability scholars might do better to attend to the complex ways in which this affect can be incited and expressed. Toward this end, I propose a distinction between what I call "primary pity" and "secondary pity." The term "secondary pity" accords with the everyday understanding of pity, in which a person who feels pity is assumed to occupy a position of superiority in relation to a person who is pitied. Primary pity refers to a very different affective process, which is profoundly destabilizing to the ego of the person who feels pity. Derived in part from Freud's notion of "primary narcissism," my concept of primary pity occupies a liminal position between the erasure of the ego that primary narcissism entails and the buttressing of the ego involved in secondary narcissism. Because primary pity involves a complex process of identification, in which the subject and the object of pity risk becoming fantasmatically indistinguishable, this emotion threatens the ego's belief in its self-sufficiency and autonomy. I argue that primary pity's threat to the ego can be understood as a manifestation of the disability drive, and I suggest that the "no pity" position taken up by disability activists and scholars may be invested in a fantasy of overcoming the disability drive.This dissertation argues that rather than seeking to overcome the disability drive, cultural critics and activists should work to acknowledge the myriad ways in which the drive determines us. It is important to recognize and acknowledge one's determination by the disability drive because denying or repressing the ways in which this psychic force governs us will inevitably lead to the drive's being abjected onto groups of stigmatized others. In Chapter 4, I argue that in contemporary US American culture fat people constitute one such group. This chapter focuses on the drive to eat, a compulsion that I define as inseparable from the disability drive. Dependence, (on food), loss of mastery (over the intensities of the pleasures of eating), and failures of control (over what, and how much, one eats) combine to make hunger a fundamentally disabling drive. But instead of acknowledging that we are all disabled by the drive to eat, our culture abjects this drive onto fat people, whom it depicts as being driven, in ways that thin people are assumed not to be, by an out-of-control compulsion to eat. US American culture's projection of the disability drive onto fat people is intensified by racially inflected assumptions about "primitive" versus "civilized" forms of embodiment and by heteronormative constructions of "perversion." Resisting fatphobia therefore necessitates an intersectional analysis of the disability drive, an approach that takes measure of the ways in which repressing the drive reinforces multiple forms of prejudice.The central aim of this thesis is to show that the disability drive is a force that we must understand if we are to effectively challenge the many intersecting and overlapping modalities of oppression that define present-day cultural and social relations. "The Disability Drive" offers an invitation, to scholars and activists in a variety of cultural locations, to consider the ways in which our own beliefs and practices may be implicated in a hegemonic cultural endeavor whose goal is to overcome the disability drive. Because denying the drive results in the reentrenchment of oppressive social structures, I maintain that it is imperative to develop political strategies that resist the impulse to overcome the disability drive.
Intro -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Herausgeber- und Autorenverzeichnis -- Was sind Disability Studies? Profil, Stand und Vokabular eines neuen Forschungsfeldes -- Zusammenfassung -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Das Profil der internationalen Disability Studies -- 3 Der Forschungsstand in den deutschsprachigen Disability Studies -- 4 Das Vokabular der Disability Studies -- 5 Ausblick -- Literatur -- Grundlagen der Disability Studies -- Internationale Disability Studies -- Zusammenfassung -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Etablierung der anglo-amerikanischen Disability Studies (Ende 1970er/1980er Jahre) -- 3 Ausdifferenzierungen und inhaltliche Auseinandersetzungen in den Disability Studies (1990er Jahre/Mitte 2000er Jahre) -- 4 Pluralisierung und Diversifizierung der Disability Studies (Ende 2000er Jahre/2010er Jahre) -- 5 Fazit -- Literatur -- 'Behinderung' - eine bewegte Geschichte -- Zusammenfassung -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Genealogie des Begriffs 'Behinderung' -- 2.1 'Behinderung' als individuelles Defizit und wohlfahrtsstaatliches Problem -- 2.2 'Behinderung' im Kontext des Ersten Weltkriegs -- 2.3 'Behinderung' zwischen sonderanthropologischer Theoriebildung und emanzipatorischer Selbstdeutung -- 2.4 'Behinderung' als eugenische und leistungsbezogene Konstruktion -- 3 Frühe Schriften der ersten Behindertenbewegung - Prototypen der Disability Studies -- 3.1 Otto Perl - Leben, Werk, Wirkung -- 3.2 Irma Dresdner - Leben, Werk, Wirkung -- 3.3 Rudolf Kraemer - Leben, Werk, Wirkung -- 3.4 Wladislaus Zeitlin - Leben, Werk, Wirkung -- 4 'Bewegte' Geschichte: Forschungsstand und Perspektiven -- 5 Fazit -- Literatur -- Entstehung und Varianten der deutschsprachigen Disability Studies -- Zusammenfassung -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Behindertenbewegung und Entwicklung der Disability Studies in Deutschland -- 2.1 Behindertenbewegung in (West-)Deutschland.
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