In the current conjuncture, populism describes the disruption of the definition of, and connection between, democracy, law and rights. It represents the challenge to both the existing forms of political representation of the people and to the wider juridico-political framework or institutions of democracy. In contrast to predominantly political analyses of this populist phenomenon, which have rendered the relationship of populism to positive law peripheral, the focus will upon a juridico-political analysis of populism. The analysis will concentrate upon the central aspects of the relationship between populism and positive law (Law and Morality; Law and Rights and Law and Violence). ; En la coyuntura actual, el populismo describe la interrupción de la definición y la conexión entre democracia, ley y derechos. Representa el desafío tanto para las formas existentes de representación política del pueblo como para el marco jurídico-político más amplio o las instituciones de la democracia. En contraste con los análisis predominantemente políticos de este fenómeno populista, que han hecho que la relación del populismo con el derecho positivo sea periférica, la atención se centrará en un análisis jurídico-político del populismo. El análisis se concentrará en los aspectos centrales de la relación entre populismo y ley positiva (Ley y Moralidad; Ley y Derechos y Ley y Violencia).
Artículos en revistas ; Edición del informe de la V Conferencia Altius en la Oxford Union ; What are the goals of education, and how should they be interpreted in our time? The challenges posed by the emergence of technologies like Artificial Intelligence demand a renewed reflection on the nature and scope of the educational process, in order to address the question of how to educate the human mind to cope with these problems and opportunities. The aim of this paper is to explore a framework for the relationship between education, values and new technologies within the present social and economic context. In it, the role of rationality, emotions, empathy, creativity and the possibility of developing a broader concept of mind for empowering human beings and helping us to better understand ourselves and the world will also be examined. In essence, the paper contains a summary of the main ideas discussed in the Fifth Altius conference on Educating for the Future at the Oxford Union, which took place between September 28 and 30, 2018. Due to the Chatham House Rule * This paper is an edited version of the report on the Fifth Altius Conference at the Oxford Union. It is written on behalf of the Altius Society at Oxford, with the collaboration of Altius scholars Ashkaan Golestani, María Alegría Gutiérrez, Pamina Smith, Joshua Tan, and Sven Wang. The Altius Society wants to express its special gratitude to Ashkaan Golestani for his valuable help in editing the text, and to Garry Jacobs (who has participated in the last three Altius conferences as a speaker and attendee and whose questions have greatly contributed to the debates) for his suggestion of publishing this report in Cadmus. The Altius Society at Oxford (https://www.altius-society.com/) was founded by Carlos Blanco Pérez and Alexandre Pérez Casares in 2012 with the aim of becoming a global forum where senior practitioners, academics, and political figures, as well as young promising scholars and professionals gather to discuss the most relevant strategic trends of the 21st century and their impact on the future of our societies and economies. Based on the ideal of intellectual cooperation across academic disciplines, the past themes of the Altius conferences at Oxford have been The future of democracy in the Western hemisphere (2014), The extension of life (2015), The brain of the future (2016) and The future of communication (2017). Throughout these years, Nobel laureates, Fields medalists, and world-renowned philosophers have spoken at the Altius conference in the Debating Chamber of the Oxford Union. Among the speakers at the Fifth Altius conference it is worth mentioning the names of the following: Sheldon Glashow (1979 Nobel laureate in Physics), Peter Agre (2003 Nobel laureate in Chemistry), Oliver Hart (2016 Nobel laureate in Economics), Sir Richard Roberts (1993 Nobel laureate in Medicine), Howard Gardner (Professor at Harvard University), Rose Luckin (Professor at University College, London), Jeffrey Sachs (Professor at Columbia University), Manuela Veloso (Professor at Carnegie Mellon University), Anne Watson (Professor at the University of Oxford), Simon Blackburn (Professor at the University of Cambridge), Andreas Schleicher (Director of the PISA report), Archie Brown (Professor at the University of Oxford), Mikołaj Dowgielewicz (former Polish minister for European Affairs), Peter Atkins (Professor at the University of Oxford), Miguel Ángel Moratinos (former Spanish minister for Foreign Affairs), Olivier Crouzet (Dean of Studies at École 42, Paris), Lady Barbara Judge (former Chairman of the UK Pension Protection Fund), and David Berry (Professor at the University of Sussex). CADMUS Volume 3 - Issue 6, May 2019 Educating for the Future C. Blanco-Pérez, A. Pérez-Casares & R. Rodrigáñez-Riesco 130 131 requirements, attribution has been avoided. Thus, the report is focused on the presentation of the most relevant concepts and arguments expressed by the speakers and exchanged with the audience. In any case, the report is not exhaustive and it does not necessarily reflect the order of events followed at the Oxford Union. Rather, it is aimed at exposing, in a concise manner, the principal themes that were explored during the conference and the key practical suggestions drawn from different sessions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Abstract In the book Building and Dwelling. Ethics for the City (2019), Richard Sennett recounted how, when talking about the city with Jane Jacobs, the influential North American journalist, author, theorist, and activist posed the suggestive question: "So what would you do?". A question aimed at making one think about how to coordinate the different concepts of the ville, understood as the physical materiality of what is urban, and the cité, what we take to be the perceptions, behaviors, and beliefs of urban inhabitants. The question sought to investigate the possibilities of establishing the direct relationship between the material form of the urban environment and the aspects related to the social—to the polis, such as citizenship, justice, cohesion, or living well. Besides this, it also served to consider what approaches to take in terms of spatiality, materiality, layouts, or infrastructure and thus model an urban environment capable of producing a better cité. Richard Sennett, in this new text, attempts to offer answers to Jacobs' question, with the help to the cooperation between the disciplines of architecture and urban planning, presented by researcher Pablo Sendra. A contribution that complements sociological and political dimensions with the pragmatism of revealing particular resources from urban planning, such as open and flexible infrastructures, capable of providing a solution to this desired synergy between ville and cité. The synchronicity of the theoretical discourse and the project's material reality, together with its materialization in the urban experiments analyzed, are the two most interesting and remarkable values of the book. The real and pragmatic graphic character of a plan, associated with specifying what happens in invisible layers, such as those below and above level zero in the section of the city's territory, and how they flow, deserve a careful reading. The ideas invite you to investigate in close collaboration with disciplines such as anthropology or sociology, which should not ...
La tecnología Blockchain despierta un creciente interés entre los ciudadanos, empresas y legisladores de la Unión Europea. No obstante, acerca de la tecnología de Blockchain, se sigue más de cerca un área en particular, la moneda. El Banco central europeo (BCE), en su informe de febrero 2015 sobre monedas virtuales (criptodivisas), las define como: La representación digital de valor, no emitida por ninguna autoridad bancaria central, institución de crédito o emisor de dinero electrónico reconocido, que, en ciertas ocasiones, puede ser utilizada como medio de pago alternativo al dinero. Sobre esta materia no existe una regulación específica, por lo que, de conformidad a la recomendación realizada por el BCE en el apartado de conclusiones de su informe de 2015, y Resolución del Parlamento Europeo, de 26 de mayo de 2016, sobre monedas virtuales (2016/2007(INI)), nos debemos remitir al marco legislativo actual de supervisión y control monetario, que es el que de momento intenta dar una respuesta a este fenómeno. Puede decirse que, a diferencia del dinero electrónico, lo que persigue el marco legal es evitar la utilización indebida de las Monedas Virtuales para blanquear dinero y financiar el terrorismo. La cuestión, sin embargo, sigue siendo una cuestión legal deslumbrante. No existe una clara determinación de los efectos jurídicos del pago, por ello debemos clarificar su distinción con respecto al dinero de curso legal y el dinero electrónico. Por esta razón nos centraremos en el análisis, de la decisión del Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea Asunto C-264/14 (Skatteverket / David Hedqvist) de 22 de octubre de 2015. Procedimiento prejudicial — Sistema común del impuesto sobre el valor añadido (IVA) — Directiva 2006/112/CE — Artículos 2, apartado 1, letra c), y 135, apartado 1, letras d) a f) — Servicios a título oneroso — Operaciones de cambio de la divisa virtual "bitcoin" por divisas tradicionales — Exención. ; Blockchain technology is of increasing interest to citizens, businesses and legislators across the European Union. However, about Blockchain technology, is followed by a closer look at particular area, the currency. The European Central Bank (ECB), in its February 2015 report on virtual currencies (cryptocurrencies), defines them as: Digital representation of value, not issued by any central banking authority, credit institution or recognized electronic money issuer, which on certain occasions, can be used as an alternative means of payment to money. On this subject there is no specific regulation, so in accordance with the recommendation made by the ECB in the conclusions section of its 2015 report, and European Parliament resolution of 26 May 2016 on virtual currencies (2016 / 2007 (INI)), we should refer to the current legislative framework for monetary supervision and control, which is currently attempting to respond to this phenomenon. It can be said that, unlike e-cash, what the legal framework pursues is to avoid the misuse of Virtual Coins to launder money and finance terrorism. The issue, however, remains a dazzling legal cuestion. There is no clear determination of the legal effects of payment, therefore we must clarify its distinction with respect to legal tender money and e-cash. For this reason, we will focus on the analysis Court of Justice of the European Union decision. Case C-264/14 (Skatteverket v David Hedqvist) of 22 October 2015. Reference for a preliminary ruling - Common system of value added tax (VAT) - Directive 2006/112 / EC - Articles 2 (1), and 135 (1) (d) to (f) - Services for consideration - Transactions in the traditional currency of bitcoin for traditional currencies – Exemption. ; Trabajo realizado en el marco de los proyectos financiados por MINECO: Proyecto "Nuevos instrumentos jurídicos para la financiación de la pyme" , Universidad Jaume I de Castelló (DER2015-65639-R), (cuya investigadora principal es María del Carmen Boldó Roda), y Proyecto "La renovación tipológica en el Derecho de Sociedades contemporáneo" , (DER-2013-44438-P) (cuyo investigador principal es José Miguel Embid Irujo).
En el año 2019, el sociólogo Manuel Castells afirmó categóricamente que la democracia liberal agotó su recorrido histórico y, citando unos versos de Octavio Paz, expresó: "No lo que pudo ser:/es lo que fue /Y lo que fue está muerto". En este trabajo reflexionaremos sobre este diagnóstico en base a cinco preguntas interrelacionadas. ¿En qué medida la democracia liberal está siendo afectada por la actual aceleración tecnológica informacional? ¿Existe realmente una crisis democrática? ¿Qué lecciones pueden aprenderse a partir del suceso de Cambridge Analytica? ¿Será posible manipular los sentimientos: hackear humanos? ¿Cuáles son los caminos disponibles a futuro?. ; In 2019, the sociologist Manuel Castells categorically stated that liberal democracy exhausted its historical journey and, citing some verses by Octavio Paz, expressed: "Not what could be: / it is what it was / And what was is dead". In this work we will reflect on this diagnosis based on five interrelated questions. To what extent is liberal democracy being affected by the current informational technological acceleration? Is there really a democratic crisis? What lessons can be learned from the Cambridge Analytica event? Will it be possible to manipulate feelings: hack humans? What are the paths available in the future?
Al tiempo de escribir esta editorial, el ejército ruso marcha sobre Ucrania. Y esto nos hace abandonar, como materias prioritarias de atención, tanto la reforma laboral, como la de las pensiones o la relativa al empleo público. Y es que todo queda en un segundo orden. Nuestro centro de atención se desplaza, necesariamente, hacia la invasión militar.
Members of Parliament and those who attend Parliament sessions are not only listeners but have the opportunity to react through different types of disruption (Cortés 2015a, 2015b). One of these is protest, which is conceived as a form of verbally expressed disapproval, displaying an opposition both to what is currently stated by the speaker and to forms of disagreement shown by other members of Parliament. However, this particular device of disruption has not received much attention in previous research. In this paper the reasons justifying such protests come under closer scrutiny, together with the conditions propping up their appearance in the co-text and the context of parliamentary speech. Two groups have been identified: those which have been produced to react to the content of the prior speaker's intervention (with different subgroups whether protest goes together with other means of disruption), and those types of protest which react to previous disruption, such as applause. For the study, we have selected a corpus of initial speeches of Presidents (of the Spanish Government) and opposition leaders in Parliamentary debates in Spain between 1997 to 2015; the corpus duration is 29h 13min 51s. ; Hemos de pensar que quienes asisten como parlamentarios a cualquier discurso, lejos de ser solo receptores, tendrán la posibilidad de manifestarse mediante alguna de las distintas formas de incidencias (Cortés 2015a, 2015b); una de ellas es la protesta, entendida como un modo de desaprobación que se expresa verbalmente para oponerse tanto a lo dicho por los oradores como a otras incidencias mostradas por miembros del Parlamento. Su estudio, desde esta perspectiva, apenas ha merecido la atención de los investigadores. En este artículo nos acercaremos a los motivos que justifican tales protestas, así como a sus condiciones de aparición en el co-texto y contexto del discurso parlamentario. Dos grandes grupos cabe establecer: el de aquellas que son originadas especialmente por el contenido que se manifiesta en el mensaje ...
The decolonial turn fosters new interpretations based on a transdisciplinary approach that combines aesthetics, philosophy, and politics. Given its decolonizing nature, this theoretical perspective allows us to address visual expressions as materialities that entail disruptive and culturally transforming aspects. The aim of this article is to plot an itinerary over three movies representative of Cinema Novo: Deus e o diabo na terra do Sol (1964), Macunaíma (1969), and Como era gostoso o meu francês (1971), articulating a Latin American philosophical platform such as the decolonial thought. ; El giro decolonial impulsa nuevas lecturas a partir de una mirada transdisciplinar que cruza estética, filosofía y política. Dado su perfil descolonizador, esta vertiente teórica nos permite interpelar las manifestaciones visuales como materialidades que conllevan aspectos disruptivos y culturalmente transformadores. Este artículo propone trazar un itinerario sobre tres películas del cinema novo: Deus e o diabo na terra do Sol (1964), Macunaíma (1969) y Como era gostoso o meu francês (1971), articulando una plataforma filosófica latinoamericana como el pensamiento decolonial. ; Facultad de Bellas Artes
The body on political television is apparently transparent, it does not hide anything. The political aspect of the body is restricted to an industrial superficiality. However, the body is a space for intervention, it is never neutral and there are moments where the mediated body insubordinates codes of coherence and morality in his territory. Through a critical analysis this article rescues fragments of political communication were the body puts into question the formal, liberal and consensual ways of political work. With a critical standpoint departing from feminism and political communication it is sought to highlight the need for the conflictual in media politics. This is done analysing a wide range of media from discussions about the death of the President Salvador Allende to paradoxical arguments about the student protests of 2011 in Chile, where bodies were protagonists. ; El cuerpo en la televisión política es aparentemente transparente, no esconde nada. Lo político del cuerpo queda restringido a una superficialidad industrial. Sin embargo, el cuerpo es un espacio de intervención, nunca neutral, y es así como hay momentos donde el cuerpo mediatizado insubordina los códigos de la coherencia y la moral de su territorio. A través de un análisis crítico, este artículo rescata fragmentos de la comunicación política donde el cuerpo pone en entredicho los modos formales, liberales y consensuados del quehacer político. Desde discusiones en torno a la muerte del ex presidente Salvador Allende hasta el análisis de los discursos mediatizados sobre las intervenciones estudiantiles de 2011 en Chile, donde los cuerpos fueron protagonistas, son parte de una mirada crítica desde el feminismo y la comunicación política que busca resaltar la necesidad de lo conflictual en la política mediatizada.
URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/3562 ; Algunos intérpretes de Hobbes consideran que su definición de "libertad" es absolutamente original, pues se opuso a la definición republicana de la misma. Según su lectura, mientras el republicanismo opone a la libertad el concepto de "esclavitud", Hobbes opone el de "interferencia", de donde surge una nueva concepción cuya influencia sigue en vigor. Sin embargo, una comparación de las definiciones republicana y hobbesiana revela que ambas conciben la libertad con los mismos atributos, entendiendo cada atributo de la misma manera. Desde esa perspectiva, la definición hobbesiana no es original respecto de la definición republicana, que tiene en el Digesto, según la interpretación de Skinner, su formulación canónica. ; Some exegetes of Hobbes consider that his definition of "freedom" is absolutely original. According to them, it faced the Republican definition opposing "freedom" to "interference" instead of "slavery". The influence of this redefinition continues today in the field of political philosophy. However, a comparison of the Republican and Hobbesian definitions reveals that both conceive freedom with the same attributes, understanding each one in the same way. Seen from this angle, the Hobbesian definition doesn't incorporate anything substantially new to the Republican one. According to Skinner, the canonical definition of Republican liberty is in the Digest of Roman law. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide
Algunos intérpretes de Hobbes consideran que su definición de «libertad» es absolutamente original, pues se opuso a la definición republicana de la misma. Según su lectura, mientras el republicanismo opone a la libertad el concepto de «esclavitud», Hobbes opone el de «interferencia», de donde surge una nueva concepción cuya influencia sigue en vigor. Sin embargo, una comparación de las definiciones republicana y hobbesiana revela que ambas conciben la libertad con los mismos atributos, entendiendo cada atributo de la misma manera. Desde esa perspectiva, la definición hobbesiana no es original respecto de la definición republicana, que tiene en el Digesto, según la interpretación de Skinner, su formulación canónica ; Some exegetes of Hobbes consider that his definition of «freedom» is absolutely original. According to them, it faced the Republican definition opposing «freedom» to «interference» instead of «slavery». The influence of this redefinition continues today in the field of political philosophy. However, a comparison of the Republican and Hobbesian definitions reveals that both conceive freedom with the same attributes, understanding each one in the same way. Seen from this angle, the Hobbesian definition doesn't incorporate anything substantially new to the Republican one. According to Skinner, the canonical definition of Republican liberty is in the Digest of Roman law
Poetry represents an inalienable part of Somali social and cultural identity, constituting a fundamental element of its intangible cultural heritage. This has been the case throughout the history of the Horn of Africa, where this popular, customary, oral expression has been used not only as an artistic tool, but also socially and politically. The outbreak of civil war in Somalia in 1991 forced thousands of Somali citizens to migrate into exile. This situation generated a series of breakdowns that transformed the Somali poetry of the diaspora. An inexorable change to continue to preserve the validity of their customs, since these do not have to remain static, they can and must adapt to change. This research is based on a preliminary analysis of the poetry of the Somali diaspora to clarify the changes that have taken place between the popular poetry of Somalia before 1991 and that born in the diaspora. To this end, the main works have been examined in depth, not only in written versions, but also orally through podcasts and other audiovisual media. ; La poesía representa una parte inalienable de la identidad social y cultural somalí, constituyendo un elemento fundamental de su Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial. Así ha sido a lo largo de la historia del Cuerno de África, donde esta expresión popular, consuetudinaria, de tipo oral, se ha utilizado no sólo como una herramienta artística, sino también social y política. El estallido de la guerra civil en Somalia en 1991 forzó a parte de la ciudadanía somalí a migrar hacia el exilio. Esta situación generó una serie de quiebras que transformaron la poesía somalí de la diáspora. Un cambio inexorable para seguir conservando la vigencia de sus costumbres, puesto que ésta no tiene por qué permanecer estática, puede y debe adaptarse a los cambios. Esta investigación se basa en el análisis preliminar de la poesía de la diáspora somalí para esclarecer los cambios que se han producido entre la poesía popular de Somalia anterior a 1991 y la nacida en la diáspora. Para ello, se ha profundizado en las principales obras, no sólo en las versiones escritas, sino también las orales a través de podcasts y otros medios audiovisuales. Igualmente, se ha recurrido a entrevistas recogidas en medios de comunicación.
This work analyzes some of the preliminary implications that the COVID-19 pandemic has had in Higher Education. Faced with the panorama of global repression and immediate impacts, different Higher Education Institutions decided to adopt distance education. The same that has not only led to re-inventing teaching and reorganizing the teaching-learning process. But besides, it also deepened the gap and the real structural conditions of a disadvantaged student population. Consequently, it is doubly meritorious to strengthen a distance education that does not only include the mere participation of the training institutions themselves. On the contrary, given the extraordinary situation, it will be necessary for the different levels of government to intervene in order to redouble efforts in educational measures, programs and policies that effectively guarantee the right to distance learning at this level of education. ; Este trabajo analiza algunas de las implicancias preliminares que ha tenido la pandemia del COVID-19 en la Educación Superior. Frente al panorama de la represión global y de los impactos inmediatos, diferentes Instituciones de Educación Superior decidieron adoptar una educación a distancia. La misma que no solo ha inducido a re-inventar la docencia y reorganizar el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje. Sino que además, llegó a profundizar la brecha y las condiciones estructurales reales de una población estudiantil en desventaja. En consecuencia, resulta doblemente meritorio reforzar una educación a distancia que no solo incluya la sola participación de las propias instituciones formadoras. Por el contrario, dada la situación extraordinaria, será necesario de la intervención de los diferentes niveles de gobierno en poder redoblar esfuerzos en medidas, programas y políticas educativas que garanticen de manera efectiva el derecho a aprender a distancia en este nivel de enseñanza. ; Este trabalho analisa algumas das implicações preliminares que a pandemia COVID-19 teve no Ensino Superior. Diante do panorama de ...
Actualmente se impone a los juzgadores (no sólo mexicanos, sino de cualquier Estado constitucional y democrático) que realicen su labor jurisdiccional con apego a los parámetros de legalidad, legitimidad, constitucionalidad y convencionalidad; sin embargo, lo anterior resulta complejo considerando que dichos parámetros no siempre se complementan y, en ocasiones, se contradicen. Este artículo aborda esas complicaciones en la actividad jurisdiccional, tanto de aquella que está destinada a tutelar la democracia y sus principios al interior de un Estado, como de aquella que no tiene ese objetivo ex profeso pero que de forma indirecta le afecta. Lo anterior fue realizado con base en una metodología documental, considerando algunos hechos sobresalientes en los que ha tenido incidencia esa actividad jurisdiccional en México, y se contrasta teóricamente con viejos y nuevos parámetros para la actividad del juzgador. Todo lo anterior es utilizado para determinar cómo, en un intento por satisfacer esos cuatro parámetros en los juicios democráticos mencionados, se puede provocar una ruptura jurídica en lugar de conseguir la uniformidad del sistema jurídico. Estos hallazgos sugieren la necesidad de considerar una nueva forma (pro-democrática) de interpretar los preceptos legales, constitucionales y convencionales, no contradiciendo los fundamentales y generando, además, legitimidad.
RESUMEN En México desde hace más de tres decadas se han desarrollado reformas tanto constitucionales como legislativas que tienden prima facie al reconocimiento de los derechos humanos; no obstante, paralelamente existe un complejo marco normativo que ha permitido la sobreexplotación de los recursos naturales, ocasionando una destrucción cada vez más notoria, profunda y aparentemente incorregible. Por ello, desde una perspectiva constitucionalista comparada, proponemos un sistema de garantías que tienda a la protección efectiva de los derechos colectivos y ambientales, asegurando con ello un futuro sostenible para todos los habitantes de la madre tierra.ABSTRACT In Mexico for more than three decades, both constitutional and legislative reforms have been developed with a tendency to have a prima facie recognition of human rights. However, in parallel there is a complex regulatory framework that has allowed the overexploitation of natural resources, causing an increasingly noticeable, profound and seemingly incorrigible destruction. Therefore, from a comparative constitutionalist perspective, we propose a system of guarantees that tends to effectively protect the collective and environmental rights, thereby ensuring a sustainable future for all the inhabitants of mother earth.