Suchergebnisse

Jedna od definicija menadžmenta kaže da je to aktivnost usmjerena na postizanje određenih, unaprijed zacrtanih ciljeva pomoću aktivnosti drugih ljudi, a upravljanje je ljudskim resursima jedna od osnovnim funkcija svakog menadžera. S druge strane, mobing na radnom mjestu predstavlja značajan izvor stresa, a sukobi unutar organizacije uzrokuju gubitak vremena te ometaju i odvlače zaposlenike od produktivnog korištenja njihovog vremena. Istraživanja koja su se bavila svakodnevnom praksom menadžera pokazala su da menadžeri troše 42 % svoga vremena pokušavajući postići "pomirenje" kada se dogodi sukob. Kako tu naravno nije riječ samo o trošenju vremena menadžera na rješavanje sukoba, već treba dodati i gubitak vremena zaposlenika koji su u sukobu, jasno je da je riječ o značajnim financijskim iznosima. Dodatno, ono što je vidljivo iz istraživanja o izloženosti o mobingu na radnom mjestu i izvan Hrvatske jest dominacija izloženosti okomitom mobingu, u prvom redu "bossingu", gdje se radi o strateškom mobingu te neprijateljskom odnosu nadređene osobe prema zaposleniku na nižem položaju. Ako se ovome pridoda podatak da je nedostatak menadžerskih vještina glavni čimbenik koji doprinosi mobingu i to upravo prema mišljenju menadžera, vidljivo je da je riječ o izuzetno složenom problemu, koji ozbiljno ugrožava uspješno upravljanje. Cilj je ovog rada ukazati na važnost prepoznavanja mobinga na radnom mjestu kao značajnog čimbenika koji pored ostalih štetnih posljedica negativno utječe i na samo upravljanje organizacijom. Dodatno, cilj je rada povećanje opće svijesti o ovom sve raširenijem problemu čije posljedice svakako ne bi trebale biti zanemarene. Provedena sekundarna istraživanja pomoću metode apstrakcije, deskripcije, komparacije i klasifikacije pokazala su postojanje veze između postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu i uspješnosti upravljanja organizacijom u smjeru da postojanje mobinga na radnom mjestu smanjuje uspješnost upravljanja organizacijom. Ova saznanja bi svakako trebala biti ugrađena u svakodnevnu praksu upravljanja, na način da se prilikom kreiranja politika i procedura, a naročito onih koje se tiču upravljanja ljudskim resursima, svakako implementira i dovoljan broj elemenata koji će omogućiti pravovremeno prepoznavanje postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu, kao i procedure za uspješno rješavanje takvih slučajeva. ; One definition of management says it is the activity aimed at achieving specific, pre-set goals by using activities of other people, and human resource management is one of the basic functions of each manager. On the other hand, workplace mobbing is a significant source of stress, and conflicts within the organization are causing a waste of time and also disrupt and distract employees from productive use of their time. Studies that deal with daily managers' practice revealed that managers spend 42% of their time trying to achieve "reconciliation" when conflict occurs. Since the issue is not just about spending managers' time to resolve the conflict, but also about wasting time of employees who are in conflict, it is clear that there are significant financial amounts involved. In addition, the dominance of vertical exposure to mobbing, primarily bossing which is a strategic mobbing and hostility by superiors towards the employee in a lower position, is evident from the studies dealing with exposure to workplace mobbing in and outside of Croatia. If we take into account the fact that the lack of management skills has been proved to be a major factor contributing to the workplace mobbing according to managers themselves, it is evident that this is a very complex problem that significantly threatens successful management. The aim of this paper is to point out the importance of recognizing the workplace mobbing as a significant factor that, in addition to other harmful consequences, negatively affects the management of the organization as well. In addition, the aim of this paper is to increase general awareness of this increasingly widespread problem, the consequences of which should certainly not be ignored. Secondary research conducted using methods of abstraction, description, comparison and classification has shown a correlation between the existence of mobbing in the workplace and successful organizational management of the organization indicating that the existence of mobbing in the workplace reduces the success of organizational management. These findings would certainly have to be incorporated into the everyday management practice in a way that when creating policies and procedures, particularly those related to human resource management, one should certainly implement a sufficient number of elements that will allow timely recognition of workplace mobbing, as well as procedures for the successful resolution of such cases.

At the beginning of the 16th century, a Croatian noble family of the Frankopans was faced with an incresing Ottoman's threat, as well as a whole Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom. In an attempt to protect their lands, the Frankopans could not get help from the Croatian-Hungarian kings, whose power was weak at that time. Instead of their own kings, the Frankopans were forced to seek help from foreign rulers and fight the Ottomans themselves. Bernardin and Krsto Frankopan made an intensive contacts with the Habsburgs at the beginning of the 16th century because they expect the Habsburgs to help them in fighting the Ottomans. Frankopan's-Habsburgs' connections were of a graet significance in political events in the mid-twenties of the 16th century. ; Hrvatska velikaška obitelj Frankopana našla se početkom 16. stoljeća suočena, kao i cijelo Hrvatsko-Ugarsko Kraljevstvo, sa sve intenzivnijim osmanskim provalama. U nastojanju da zaštite svoje posjede, Frankopani nisu mogli računati na pomoć hrvatsko-ugarskih kraljeva, čija je vlast sve više slabila, već su se morali pouzdati u vlastite snage i pomoć koju mogu pronaći u stranim vladarima. Bernardin i Krsto Frankopan ostvarili su početkom 16. stoljeća intenzivne veze s Habsburgovcima, u kojima su vidjeli pomoć u obrani od Osmanlija. Frankopanski-habsburški odnosi će imati vrlo važnu ulogu u kasnijim političkim prilikama sredinom 20-ih godina 16. stoljeća.

At the beginning of the 16th century, a Croatian noble family of the Frankopans was faced with an incresing Ottoman's threat, as well as a whole Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom. In an attempt to protect their lands, the Frankopans could not get help from the Croatian-Hungarian kings, whose power was weak at that time. Instead of their own kings, the Frankopans were forced to seek help from foreign rulers and fight the Ottomans themselves. Bernardin and Krsto Frankopan made an intensive contacts with the Habsburgs at the beginning of the 16th century because they expect the Habsburgs to help them in fighting the Ottomans. Frankopan's-Habsburgs' connections were of a graet significance in political events in the mid-twenties of the 16th century. ; Hrvatska velikaška obitelj Frankopana našla se početkom 16. stoljeća suočena, kao i cijelo Hrvatsko-Ugarsko Kraljevstvo, sa sve intenzivnijim osmanskim provalama. U nastojanju da zaštite svoje posjede, Frankopani nisu mogli računati na pomoć hrvatsko-ugarskih kraljeva, čija je vlast sve više slabila, već su se morali pouzdati u vlastite snage i pomoć koju mogu pronaći u stranim vladarima. Bernardin i Krsto Frankopan ostvarili su početkom 16. stoljeća intenzivne veze s Habsburgovcima, u kojima su vidjeli pomoć u obrani od Osmanlija. Frankopanski-habsburški odnosi će imati vrlo važnu ulogu u kasnijim političkim prilikama sredinom 20-ih godina 16. stoljeća.

The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Afirmacija razumijevanja i prihvaćanja između pripadnika različitih kultura predstavlja jedan od temeljnih zadataka odgojno-obrazovnih sustava u suvremenim demokratskim društvima. Kako bi se taj zadatak što uspješnije realizirao, ističe se važnost uvođenja interkulturalizma kao dimenzije cjelokupne odgojno-obrazovne djelatnosti. Polazeći od shvaćanja prema kojem odgojno-obrazovne ustanove imaju važnu ulogu u formiranju interkulturalnog razumijevanja, vrijednosti, stavova i ponašanja njenih članova, u radu se razmatra problematika promicanja interkulturalizma u školskom okruženju. Na temelju pregleda dosadašnjih istraživanja, razmatraju se različita područja i obilježja odgojnoobrazovnog djelovanja te s njima povezane pretpostavke za izgradnju škole kao mjesta interkulturalnog učenja. ; The affirmation of understanding and acceptance among members of different cultures represents one of the major tasks of the educational systems in modern democratic societies. Successful realization of that task implies the importance of promoting interculturalism as an important dimension of the entire educational activity.Drawing on the assumption according to which educational institutions play important role in the formation of the intercultural understanding, values, attitudes and behaviours of its members, this paper discusses the issue of promoting interculturalism in the school environment. Based on a review of previous findings, different areas and features of educational activity are discussed as well as related assumptions for building a school as a place for intercultural learning.

Cilj rada je pružiti uvid u specifične izazove vezane uz međunarodno posvojenje te ukazati na situacije kršenja prava djeteta u kontekstu međudržavnog posvojenja. Iako se međunarodnom posvojenju pribjegava tek u okolnostima kada djetetu nije moguće pružiti skrb u državi porijekla, nerijetko u tom procesu dolazi do zloupotrebe instituta međunarodnog posvojenja. Posebice u vremenima kriza kao što su ekonomske i političke krize, ratovi i prirodne katastrofe, kada su zakonske kontrole oslabljene. Nadalje, stvarnost međunarodno posvojene djece karakterizira proživljavanje mnogih gubitaka, emocionalnih i kulturalnih, te je velik izazov s kojim se susreću međunarodni posvojenici formiranje identiteta kao kombinacije kulturalnog nasljeđa države iz koje potječu i države u koju se dijete posvaja. Kako će taj proces teći uvelike ovisi o posvojiteljima i njihovom prihvaćanju različitosti, te spremnosti i vještinama komuniciranja o djetetovoj povijesti i porijeklu, ali i o podršci sustava socijalne skrbi koji ima važnu ulogu u zaštiti prava djeteta. ; The aim of this paper is to provide insight in the specific challenges of international adoption, and to point to situations of violation of the rights of the child in the context of international adoption. Although international adoption is used only in circumstances where a child cannot be cared for in a country of origin, in that process abuses of this institute often occur. Especially in times of crisis such as economic and political crises, wars and natural disasters when legal controls are weak. Furthermore, the great challenge facing all international adoptees is the formation of identity as a combination of the cultural heritage of the country of origin and the country they actually live in. How will this process going on depend not only on adoptive parents and their acceptance of diversity, their willingness to communicate about child history and origin and communication skill they have, but also on the support of the social welfare system, which have an important role in protecting the rights of the child.

Ideja univerziteta uzima se kao temeljna u artikulaciji pojma univerziteta i njegove institucionalne ostvarivosti, a u tom se kontekstu u prvi plan stavlja Immanuel Kant kao nezaobilazan mislitelj te ideje. Radi lakšeg razumijevanja njegove artikulacije ideje univerziteta, na početku se ukratko predstavljaju osnovne značajke Humboldtove vizije univerziteta kroz koje se može pratiti Kantov doprinos i utjecaj na njihovo artikuliranje. Centralni je Kantov spis pri tome Spor fakulteta, u kojemu ne samo da je ponudio koncept sveučilišta kao institucije temeljne za razvoj učenosti nego je po nekima možda i posljednji mislio samu ideju univerziteta. Kako analiza pokazuje, ta ideja u historijskome smislu predstavlja artikulaciju klasične ideje modernog, humboldtovskog tipa sveučilišta, no u nju su također utkani brojni elementi koji posjeduju trajnu aktualnost (npr. jurisdikcija pojedinih područja znanja, pretenzije pojedinih znanosti, autonomija znanostî i fakultetâ, odnosi pojedinih fakulteta itd.). Uzimanjem u obzir čitava Kantova opusa, pokazuje se da je u Sporu fakulteta Kant ponudio proširenje svoga prosvjetiteljskoga projekta, dao dopunu svojoj filozofiji politike i prava (javna i privatna upotreba uma), odnosno filozofiji povijesti (univerziteti kao karika u progresu čovječanstva uopće), te dodao i značajne dopune svojoj filozofskoj antropologiji (univerzitet kao medij razvoja čovjekovih moći) i filozofiji odgoja (univerzitet kao neophodna dimenzija u odgajanju čovjeka kao osobe, kao građanina i kao čovjeka uopće). S druge se strane demonstrira nužnost svih tih ostalih dijelova njegova filozofskog opusa za potpuno razumijevanje njegove misli, a napose čitanje ideje univerziteta u antropološkom ključu. Umjesto zaključka, evaluiraju se rezultati prethodne analize u kontekstu pokušaja odgovora na pitanje o Kantovoj trajnoj aktualnosti i njegovu posebnu mjestu u povijesti ideja, a s obzirom na mišljenje ideje univerziteta. ; The idea of the university is taken as fundamental in the articulation of the concept of the ...

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes developments on the Croatian television market during the last decade, focusing specially on the changes that have been taking place since 2009 and their effect on the diversity and pluralism of the current television programs. The study presents the data on the structural diversity of the Croatian television market which reached its peak in the second decade of the 21st century, as the processes of privatization and commercialization had been completed. The research includes data and the analysis of the television audience distribution during last several years, showing the major change regarding the position of the public service broadcaster which occurred during that time. Content pluralism and diversity of the television programs were analyzed using the data on the genres structure of the main national broadcasters, one public and two commercial, with the emphasis on the news and current affairs genres as well as the other high social value programs regarded as the content in the public interest. The genres structures and distribution in the overall national television program output were put in the relation to the genres audience ratings, showing the gap between the 'supply' of the programs offering content in the public interest and the audience 'demand' expressed by their total audience share, which could be considered as the guideline for the media policy and regulation. In the conclusion, the potential of the television pluralism and diversity as the possible tool to enhance the democratic functions of the media in Croatia are pointed out, as well as the need for further audience research which would explore complex relation between genres and audience expectations, needs and choices. Adapted from the source document.

Odricanje od multikulturalizma u praksi suvremene liberalne države ("multikulturalizam je mrtav"), ali djelomično i u liberalnoj teoriji, zanemaruje činjenicu da su je multietničnost društveno stanje neovisno o ideologiji i da je preživjelo "kraj povijesti". Zaboravlja se i to da su politike multikulturalnosti postojale i prije nego što je konstituirana liberalna država. Ukoliko se u obzir uzmu ove činjenice, onda se problem odnosa suvremene liberalne države prema multietničnosti čini još kompliciranijim od konstatacije da je multikulturalizam među prvim žrtvama krize globalnog liberalizma. Ako se pomirimo s činjenicom da je multietničnost fenomen koji je prežvljavao i najveća moralna srozavanja civilizacija, onda se moramo upustiti u raspravu i promišljanja o tome – kakve politike multikulturalnosti odgovaraju suvremenoj liberalnoj državi. ; Waiver of multiculturalism in practice of modern liberal state ("multiculturalism is dead"), partly in liberal theory too, ignores the fact that the societal multi-ethnic situation exists independently of ideology, and that it has survived even "the end of history." It is also forgotten that the policy of multiculturalism existed before the liberal state was constituted. If we take into account these facts, the problem of relationship of modern liberal state and multi-ethnicity becomes even more complicated than just being among the first victims of the crisis of global liberalism. If we accept the fact that the multi-ethnic phenomenon has persisted even after the biggest moral degradation of civilization, then we have to engage in discussion and reflection on – how the policy of multiculturalism corresponds with the liberal state.

Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.