Suchergebnisse

More than one decade Serbia has been passing through the process of market reforms. Establishing of market economy institution had to allow the country one stabile economic development in the light of EU accession. That is, by the way, the same strategy of the most countries of Western Balkan. Actual economic crisis showed the other side of the result of previous changes, and of the realized growth and development. That were the consequences on macro economic and financial instability and structure of the economy. Many circumstances showed that in the Serbian real and normative economic system there were numerous controversies stopping or slowing EU accession and basic re forms process. European economic system is based on institutions. In spite of many bureaucratic obstacles of this system institutions are the main guarantee of the system surviving. The institutions in Serbia were not established in desirable way. The government, the parliament and courts are continually in conflicts, based on formalization of institutions. Regulatory bodies are very week and under pressure of parties power control, as well as corruption and institution formalizing. All those facts have negative influence on the process of EU accession and market reforms. Serbia need to accept lawful state and institution strengthening in order to catch a connection for advanced economies in reform. Most important conditions are not only better laws, but better education. .

Official development assistance (ODA) implies the movement of capital with a minimum of one quarter of grant. It was established in the second half of the previous century, with the aim of getting developed countries to set aside a part of their gross domestic product (GDP) as an aid intended for developing countries. In the European Union, development assistance implies a policy which was established at the very beginning of the integration process, but it was not until the Treaty on the European Union was signed that it obtained its legal basis. Today, the European Union is a key partner of developing countries, and together with member states it ensures more than a half of the ODA assets. The countries of the Western Balkans are categorized among the developing countries and receive aid via loans and grants from developed countries and international institutions. The European Union's support is divided into the aid intended for the countries that are in the process of accession and the aid which is meant for other, less-developed countries. The distinction between these two forms of assistance is very difficult, because the character of the support changes in the course of accession process. The scientific problem that this paper deals with pertains to identification of the intensity of the European Union Official Development Assistance and the level of development of the Western Bal-kans. The assets of the European Union's assistance to the region of the WesternBalkans are necessary, yet not sufficient for achieving a higher level of developmentand the European standards in all directions.

EU Enlargement Policy, one of the newest EU policies created during the last decade of the 20th century, is facing a very difficult period of its development, similar to the challenges facing the EU today. This Policy has been under constant evolution on the basis of experiences with the new Member States, and it has been closely connected with the wider context of European Integration of the Member States. In this article we present an overview of the major challenges for the Union as well as for candidate countries and to point out that there is no good reason why, even in the crisis situation, enlargement should not be continued. It is, we argue, part of the solution to the problems of EU, and not yet another problem. ; Politika proširenja EU, jedna od novijih politika Unije nastala tokom devedesetih godina, u velikoj meri proživljava veoma težak period koji je opšte obeležje izazova sa kojima se danas suočava EU. Ona se tokom vremena konstantno uobličavala na osnovama iskustava sa novim članicama i uvek je bila u uskoj vezi sa širim kontekstom evropskih integracija država članica EU. U ovom članku smo pokušali da prikažemo osnovne izazove za Uniju, ali i za države kandidate regiona Zapadnog Balkana, i da ukažemo da nema nijednog valjanog razloga zašto, čak i uslovima krize u EU, nastavak proširenja ne bi trebalo da bude posmatran kao deo rešenja, a ne kao deo problema.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the directions of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union for the period from 2021 to 2027. For the Republic of Serbia, as a candidate country for membership, it is important to monitor the changes that are taking place within the European agricultural policy. Analyzing the available literature and regulations of the European Commission, the authors look at the essence of the Common Agricultural Policy reforms in the upcoming seven-year period, with special reference to the aims, planned financial framework, "greening" of the CAP, as well as implementation of measures in rural development policy segment. Insisting on ecologically sustainable development of agriculture, along with greater institutional authority of the member states, are the key ideas that will guide the Common Agricultural Policy in the upcoming period.

The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.

The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.

For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power. Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany has been one of Serbia's most important economic and political partners. Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the main obstacle to it.

Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.

The paper offers a critical analysis of the strategic framework for long-term economic development of Serbia, of the role of strategic development in the success of the transition process, and the consequences of the lack of a development strategy. The strategy of long-term economic development of Serbia, as a programe intended to designate the economic and development policy of the state, is analysed with the aim of finding an acceptable formulation of development strategy. The authors consider various approaches and propose a strategy for Serbia in the period of transition towards market economy. They also point out that, in the period of transition from a government-planned towards a market economy, strategy should be given greater importance in period that do not represent turning points, because of the greater possibility of incorrect policy making, potential conflicts of interest groups, reaching sustainable development, and maximizing prosperity. The authors take into account the advantages and disadvantages of the radical and of the gradualist approach to transition and propose formulating a development strategy that would contain combined elements of plan and market mechanism. They believe that the process of transition lacks a clear development strategy, and that the quality of the existing development strategy of Serbia until 2010 is such it cannot be understood as a serious approach to the transition issue. The authors stress the consequences of underground transition without a development strategy, that include inappropriate dynamic and sequence of reforms< a lack of coordination between development policy, macroeconomic policy, market reforms, and spatial planning policy< higher costs of transition, insufficient rate of economic growth, etc. They offer proposals for a comprehensive development framework (CDF) and for strategic planning of territorial industrial development. ; Urednici: Nada Milašin, Nenad Spasić, Miodrag Vujošević, Mila Pucar ; Ev.br.projekta 1383 "'Planiranje i upravljanje razvojem u uslovima prelaska na tržišnu privredu privredu- institucionalno prilagođavanje praksi i standardima EU", Ekonomski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu i Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam Srbije, 2002-2005. ; Posebna izdanja 44

Since the Republic of Serbia as a strategic objective defined membership in the EU, a process of harmonization with the current EU policies is inevitable. Agro-environmental measures are definitely an essential part of that process, and this paper compares agro-environmental state of the EU and Serbia. The situation of individual countries of the EU and Serbia at the level of implementation of ecological principles in agriculture is analyzed through the selected agro-environmental indicators which represents a level of development of regulative in environmental protection in agriculture. In this sense, the used methods are multivariate statistical analyses - factor and cluster analysis. The results of research clearly show that Serbia is lagging behind the EU in the implementation of agro-environmental measures, and in the coming period Serbia will have to make additional efforts to create measures and mechanisms for more effective implementation of the agro-environmental programs.

The main objective of this paper is to determine the level of relevance of the economic development and the level of pollution of thirteen states that joined the European Union (EU) in the last three enlargement rounds (2004, 2007, and 2013), with the length of transitional periods, i.e. the number of regulations that have agreed transitional periods. The initial assumption is that the level of economic development of countries joining the EU and the level of pollution are affecting the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods. Accordingly, the paper points to the level of economic development (measured by GDP) and the level of pollution (emissions measured by CO2/pc and CO2/gdp). All the states are grouped into five regional groups (Mediterranean, Central Europe, the Baltics, South-East Europe and the member states of the former Yugoslavia) . Separate part of the paper analyzes in detail the types of regulations relating to the agreed transitional periods, and the number and length of transitional periods that are contracted by the states of the five groups. For the analysis we used the transitional periods in the field of energy, environment and transport, given their potential importance for CO2 emissions. The final part of the paper analyses perceived relevance between the level of economic development, levels of pollution, the length of transitional periods and the number of regulations that are agreed upon transitional periods.

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.