Suchergebnisse

El presente artículo resultado de investigación, expone las diversas realidades que atraviesan los canales comunitarios del Oriente Antioqueño (Colombia). Para presentar los resultados el texto relaciona tres momentos: primero, aspectos jurídicos que en Colombia rigen la Televisión Comunitaria, normativas que ha regido a la televisión pública en el país y sus incidencias en el desarrollo de la televisión comunitaria local; dos, se ahonda en la necesidad de entender los modos de organización como asociaciones económicas y sus acciones colectivas (Actividades en Red) como estrategias co-operativas para el trabajo y tres, plantea el papel de la televisión comunitaria como órgano de expresión de las comunidades de esta subregión golpeada por la violencia, la exclusión y la impuesta llegada del desarrollo.

A partir de una aproximación etnográfica, el presente artículo esboza algunas transformaciones que se dieron como consecuencia de la promulgación de la Constitución de 1991 entre las comunidades negras en Colombia, incidiendo en las formas de relación entre el Estado y la población afrodescendiente. Se da especial atención al caso de la comunidad de la vereda San Andrés en el municipio de Girardota, Antioquia, donde ocurrieron significativos cambios en los ámbitos organizativos y de participación, como consecuencia de la apropiación del discurso del multiculturalismo. Este estudio explora la dimensión política del arte y la cultura, evidente en la dinamización de las actividades artísticas de dicha comunidad gracias a las significativas transformaciones políticas locales, a partir de la incorporación de un discurso étnico que está fundamentalmente sustentado en expresiones propias del grupo en cuestión, tales como la música, la danza y el sainete. De esta forma, se busca contribuir a un conocimiento más amplio de lo político en ámbitos interétnicos, así como sobre el papel clave que desempeñan lo artístico y lo cultural en dichos escenarios. ; Based on an ethnographic approach, the present article outlines sometransformations derived from the promulgation of the 1991 Constitution amongblack communities in Colombia, changing the ways of the relationship betweenthe State and the afro-descendant population. This article focuzes on the case of thecommunity of the village of San Andrés in the municipality of Girardota, Antioquiathat experienced some important changes in its organization and citizen participation,as a consequence of the appropriation of the discourse of multiculturalism. Thisstudy explores the political dimension of art and culture that played an importantrole in the dynamization of the artistic activities of this community. This process isdue to the significant local political transformations, starting from the incorporationof an ethnic discourse that is fundamentally based on some expressions typical ofthe afro-descendant group, such as music, dance and sainete. In this way, the aim isto bring a broader understanding of politics in inter-ethnic areas, as well as the keyrole played by arts and culture in these scenarios.

If modern imperialism necessarily combines neoliberalism and"accumulation by dispossession" in peripheral sites like Africa alongwith increasing subservience to the USA's indirect, neocolonial rule,the next logical step is to locate South Africa's own position as regionalsubimperial hegemon within the same matrices. That requiresidentifying areas where imperialism is facilitated in Africa by thePretoria-Johannesburg state-capitalist nexus, in part through Mbeki'sNew Partnership for Africa's Development and in part through theindependent (though related) logic of private capital. Finally, inresponse to this subjugation, we can consider what kinds of analyses,strategies, tactics and alliances are being posed by serious African antiimperialists.First, however, we must clarify imperialism's militaristand geopolitical inclinations.

If modern imperialism necessarily combines neoliberalism and"accumulation by dispossession" in peripheral sites like Africa alongwith increasing subservience to the USA's indirect, neocolonial rule,the next logical step is to locate South Africa's own position as regionalsubimperial hegemon within the same matrices. That requiresidentifying areas where imperialism is facilitated in Africa by thePretoria-Johannesburg state-capitalist nexus, in part through Mbeki'sNew Partnership for Africa's Development and in part through theindependent (though related) logic of private capital. Finally, inresponse to this subjugation, we can consider what kinds of analyses,strategies, tactics and alliances are being posed by serious African antiimperialists.First, however, we must clarify imperialism's militaristand geopolitical inclinations.

A development model, to be such, must consider meeting the needs of the community, ensuring a decent life, in which the goal should be to provide maximum comfort and happiness possible, facilitating the habitability of the territories in healthy living and harmony with nature. This must be the crux of the debate address the socio-environmental problems caused by the so-called locomotive of progress, in the case of Antioquia (Colombia) East, however development plans or solutions show no real expectation of the community.

With this work, I propose to explain a little bit how solidarity economy is reaffirming each day more, as the best option for a dignified and equitable life, to achieve the development that the world and especially our country need, since we are in the Search for a better future for communities and their families.