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Though the German Democratic Republic (GDR) collapsed in 1990, after 41 years of existence, the socialist state lives on – in schoolbooks, museums, novels, films and in the memories of those who witnessed the "workers' and peasants' state." With GDR memory being a highly embattled discourse in Germany more generally, we ask how the GDR is constructed in German film. This means more specifically, what stories are being told and what interpretations suggested within the broader GDR memory discourse? To answer these questions, we offer a comparative three-level-analysis of the feature films Balloon (2018) and Sealed Lips (2019). Looking at the film-immanent, the structural and the actor-centered level, we find that East German directors, producers or actors can bring different albeit divergent perspectives on the GDR in film whose construction is currently dominated by West German elites.

Analizzando le carte tematiche della Germania emerge che la Repubblica Democratica Tedesca è tuttora esistente: al variare della tematica analizzata la rappresentazione cartografica rimane pressoché invariata ed è tuttora chiaramente delineabile il vecchio confine. Gli ambiti in cui la differenziazione tra le due realtà territoriali appare maggiormente evidente sono numerosi: l'occupazione, l'orientamento politico, la confessione religiosa, l´evoluzione demografica, gli ambienti urbani e i servizi per l'infanzia. Le politiche e gli investimenti adottati sembrano non essere riusciti a incidere sufficientemente mostrando come a trent'anni dalla Riunificazione tali differenze non siano più riconducibili solo al periodo socialista. ; By analysing German thematic maps, it emerges that the old German Democratic Republic is still alive. No matter which theme is analysed the final cartographic representation remains nearly the same as the old boundaries are still clearly outlined. The fields which show the dif¬ferences between the two territories are many: employment, political orientation, religion, demographic trends, urban areas and childcare. Policies and investments have not been successful in defining a new development, and after thirty years these differences are no longer to be attributed only to the socialist era.

Political, social, and economic restructuring in eastern Germany.

Examines former Chancellor of Germany & Nobel Prize laureate Willy Brandt's ambition to portray Germany as a peacemaker & to normalize the situation of the Federal Republic (FRG) in Europe. Brandt's project to reconcile nationalist interests & the federalist/European inclination of the FRG was testimony to his dedication to European identity in the second half of the twentieth century. After discussing the question of "European formation" formulated by Brandt while living in exile, & later as the mayor of Berlin, the evolution of his agenda during his chancellorship (1969-1974) is outlined, noting his focus on European reconstruction & complimentary efforts at reconciliation/normalization with Eastern Germany. It is noted that the Chancellor anticipated a postnationalist period, in which the question of borders would be minimized & where the two Germanys would enter a new era of coexistence. J. Sadler

The reconstruction of the size and geographical distribution of properties that made up the dowers of the first three Ottonian queens makes possible to see the great importance of these assets, both for their large extension, both for the relevant strategic role dues to their location. Already Henry I, the first king of the dynasty, endowed his wife Matilda with numerous curtes that belonged to the area of oldest and strong presence of the Ottonian family, namely the eastern Saxony and Thuringia. Precisely, the control of these important goods was the cause of the fight between Matilda and her son Otto I when, in 938, the mother supported the claims to the throne of her younger son Henry during a revolt against Otto. The dower of Edgith, the first wife of Otto, was made from the large curtis of Magdeburg, which became a place of great symbolic and political importance thanks to the burial of the royal couple and for its elevation to Archdiocese which was entrusted with the supervision of slavic territories east of the Elbe. The set of the assets granted in Germany by Otto to Adelaide, his second wife, it's difficult to reconstruct in detail, but it was definitely of great extent in continuity with the dower of Matilda, although compared to this the curtes were spread across a wider area encompassing both the eastern Saxony and Thuringia, both Alsace and Franconia. ; Attraverso la ricostruzione della consistenza patrimoniale e della dislocazione territoriale dei beni che costituivano i dotari delle prime tre regine della dinastia ottoniana è possibile constatare la notevole importanza di tali beni sia per la loro cospicua estensione sia per la rilevante funzione strategica dovuta alla loro collocazione. Già Enrico I, il primo re della dinastia, dotò sua moglie Matilde con numerose curtes che appartenevano alla zona di più antico e forte radicamento della famiglia ottoniana, cioè la Sassonia orientale e la Turingia. Proprio il controllo di questi importanti beni fu la causa dello scontro fra Matilde e suo figlio Ottone I quando nel 938 la madre appoggiò le pretese al trono del figlio minore Enrico durante una rivolta contro Ottone. Il dotario di Edgith, la prima moglie di Ottone, era costituito dall'ampia curtis di Magdeburgo, che divenne luogo di grande rilevanza simbolica e politica grazie alla sepoltura della coppia regia e per la sua elevazione ad arcidiocesi cui fu affidato l'inquadramento dei territori slavi a est dell'Elba. L'insieme dei beni concessi in Germania da Ottone ad Adelaide, la sua seconda moglie, è di difficile ricostruzione nel dettaglio, ma era sicuramente di grande ampiezza in continuità con il dotario di Matilde, anche se rispetto a questo le curtes erano dislocate su un territorio più vasto comprendente sia la Sassonia orientale e la Turingia, sia l'Alsazia e la Franconia.

This article contributes to the debates around capitalism's adaptation and expansion in the context of multiple ecological crises. Specifically, the article defines these processes as capitalism's "green" turn or simply "green" capitalism and analyses them by focusing on renewable energy production, developing four theses. First, the leveraging of renewable energy production as an accumulation device is legitimised through a reframing of the discourse around the "environment" and its protection within an abstract universalist rationale, granting "green" credentials to it and the wider capitalist social relations. Second, renewable energy generation expands accumulation frontiers over not yet or "inefficiently" commodified ecosystem spaces, flows and stocks. This occurs through their privatisation and abstraction into fictitious capital –that is through their commodification and financialization. As a result and in contrast with marginalist approaches, this article reconciles the socially necessary labour time theory of value with political ecology. Third, the cost-effectiveness of investment in renewable energy production is structurally dependent on the socioeconomic marginality of production areas – through an interplaying of sustained accumulation and accumulation by dispossession. Fourth, "green" capitalism, in the sector of renewable energy generation, rests on a number of structural inequalities intimately related to its "green" legitimation. Methodologically, the article combines comprehensive theoretical elaborations and empirical observations. Theoretically, it adapts and expands to political ecology concepts from neighbouring disciplines, amongst others (i) abstract and concrete universalism, (ii) accumulation by dispossession, (iii) spatiotemporal fix and (iv) uneven development. Empirically, it builds upon case studies of two generation systems, one in southern Italy focused on wind energy and a second in eastern Germany focused on agricultural biogas, carried out between 2018 and 2019 through a ...

L'articolo esamina il ruolo di Gabriele Mucchi (1899-2002) nel contesto delle relazioni culturali tra Italia e Repubblica democratica tedesca nel corso degli anni Cinquanta, quindi prima del reciproco riconoscimento giuridico e della stipula di accordi bilaterali tra i due Stati. Pittore realista e militante comunista, Mucchi fu una figura chiave nel dibattito artistico della DDR, all'interno del quale il "Realismo" italiano costituì un contributo determinante al processo di autodeterminazione di un'arte tedesca e socialista. L'artista fu oggetto di una crescente attenzione da parte delle istituzioni culturali della DDR, che nel 1956 lo invitarono a ricoprire la cattedra di pittura presso la Scuola d'arte di Berlino Est, città dove avrebbe continuato a risiedere, alternandosi con l'Italia, anche in seguito alla caduta del Muro. Sulla base di documenti d'archivio inediti e di uno spoglio della stampa, l'articolo mette in luce le premesse e gli esordi della sua poliedrica attività nella DDR in ambito formativo, critico ed espositivo, analizzando al tempo stesso il suo particolare status come esempio di cooperazione tra Europa occidentale e orientale, e quindi come caso studio della Guerra fredda culturale. ; The essay deals with the role played by Gabriele Mucchi (1899-2002) in the context of the cultural relations between Italy and the German Democratic Republic in the 1950s, thus before the two States established diplomatic ties and bilateral agreements. A realist painter and communist activist, Mucchi was a key figure in the artistic debate of the GDR, where Italian "Realismo" played a key-role within the process of self-determination of a German and socialist art. Following a growing interest towards his work, the GDR authorities invited him as guest professor to the Art Academy in East Berlin, where he took up residence and lived throughout his life, albeit alternating with Italy. On the basis of unpublished archive sources and press reviews, the article highlights the premises and the early stages of Mucchi's art writing, teaching and exhibiting activity in East Germany, shedding light on his status as an example of cross-border partnership across divided Europe and as a significant case study for the Cultural Cold War.