In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.
The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.
Pogranično područje Hrvatske s Mađarskom u širem smislu obuhvaća dijelove četiri županije: Međimurske, Koprivničko-križevačke, Virovitičko-podravske i Osječko-baranjske. Konkretnije, u ovom se radu pogranično područje odnosi na gradove i općine unutar naprijed navedenih županija koje svojim teritorijem izlaze na državnu granicu. Riječ je o 26 jedinica lokalne samouprave, od kojih su tri grada i 23 općine sa ukupno 144 naselja. U tradicionalnom se smislu za europska pogranična područja najčešće vežu pojmovi poput prometne izoliranosti i perifernosti. U današnje vrijeme, međutim, u sklopu Europske Unije dolazi do njihove značajne društvene i ekonomske transformacije. To se posebno odnosi na schengenski prostor gdje granice više ne razdvajaju, nego spajaju susjedne države. Hrvatska je nova članica Europske Unije i kao takva još nije integrirana u schengenski prostor gdje je putovanje moguće bez granične kontrole. Stoga još uvijek nije došlo do transformacije hrvatskoga pograničnoga područja prema susjednim državama koje su članice EU, a to svojega odjeka ima u prošlim i aktualnim demografskim trendovima i procesima. Hrvatska granica s Mađarskom je najranije definirana hrvatska kopnena granica koja je uspostavljena još u srednjemu vijeku i vezana je u svojem najdužem dijelu uz tok rijeke Drave. Sve ostale kopnene granice Republike Hrvatske definirane su kasnije, s time da su tek nakon osamostaljenja Hrvatske postale državne (međunarodne) granice. Za vrijeme bivše Jugoslavije jedino je hrvatska kopnena granica s Mađarskom bila međunarodna. Ta je činjenica uvjetovala manju prekograničnu suradnju i povezanost nego što je to bio slučaj s ostalim granicama koje do prije tridesetak godina nisu bile međunarodne. Demografskom je analizom utvrđen depopulacijski i emigracijski karakter demografskih dinamičkih promjena u referentnom vremenskom razdoblju od popisa stanovništva 1981. do 2018. godine. Riječ je o kontinuiranim i prostorno izrazito homogenim negativnim demografskim trendovima (prirodni pad i negativna migracijska bilanca) koji značajno destabiliziraju koncept demografske održivosti kao uvjeta sveukupne društvene i ekonomske stabilizacije i revitalizacije pograničnoga područja što, dakako, ima i svoju sigurnosnu dimenziju. ; The border area of Croatia with Hungary in a broader sense includes parts of four counties: Međimurje, Koprivnica-Križevci, Virovitica-Podravina and Osijek-Baranja. More specifically, in this paper, the border area refers to cities and municipalities within the aforementioned counties that cross the state border with their territory. These comprise 26 local self-government units, of which three are cities and 23 municipalities with a total of 144 settlements. In the traditional sense, European border areas are most often associated with terms such as traffic isolation and peripherality. Nowadays, however, their social and economic transformation is taking place within the European Union. This is especially true in the Schengen area, where borders no longer separate, but connect neighboring countries. Croatia is a new member of the European Union and as such has not yet been integrated into the Schengen area where travel is possible without border controls. Therefore, the transformation of the Croatian border area towards the neighboring countries that are members of the EU has not yet taken place, and this has its echo in past and current demographic trends and processes. The Croatian border with Hungary is the earliest defined Croatian land border, which was established in the Middle Ages and is connected in its longest part along the Drava River. All other land borders of the Republic of Croatia were defined later, with the provison that only after the independence of Croatia did they become state (international) borders. During the former Yugoslavia, only the Croatian land border with Hungary was international. This fact led to less cross-border cooperation and connectivity than was the case with other borders that were not international until thirty years ago. Demographic analysis determined the depopulation and emigration character of demographic dynamic changes in the reference time period from the 1981 to 2018 census. These are continuous and spatially homogeneous negative demographic trends (natural decline and negative migration balance) that significantly destabilize the concept of demographic sustainability as a condition of overall social and economic stabilization and revitalization of the border area, which, of course, has its security dimension.
Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the Western Balkans countries will eventually enter the EU in the near future.
Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the ...
Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu su prirodno i mehaničko kretanje stanovništva kao demografsko-migracijske odrednice osnovnoga školstva u Vukovaru. Svrha je istraživanja primjenom deskriptivne i komparativne analize prikazati suvremene trendove, trenutno stanje i perspektive u bioreprodukciji i migracijama, te ih dovesti u vezu s brojčanim stanjem djece u vukovarskim osnovnim školama. Analiza provedena na temelju službenih podataka popisne, vitalne i migracijske statistike, pokazala je da su trendovi u bioreprodukciji i migracijama promatrane gravitacijske zone vukovarskih osnovnih škola (Grad Vukovar i Općina Bogdanovci) u proteklom dvadesetogodišnjem razdoblju (1997.-2018.), vrlo nepovoljni, te da procesi ukupne depopulacije, prirodnoga smanjenja i mehaničkoga gubitka, zbog negativnoga salda migracije, čine sve lošijim demografski okvir učeničkoga potencijala vukovarskih osnovnih škola, uz još nepovoljnije izglede u budućnosti. Potrebna stabilizacija i poboljšanje demografskih prilika mogući su samo uz dugoročnu i cjelovitu provedbu poticajnih pronatalitetnih, imigracijskih i redistributivnih mjera populacijske, obiteljske i gospodarske politike, riječju, sveobuhvatne demografske revitalizacije Hrvatske i svakoga njezinoga dijela. ; This study on the natural and mechanical population movements and demographic-migration determinants of elementary education in Vukovar identifies contemporary trends, current situation and perspectives in bioreproduction and migration, using descriptive and comparative analysis, in relation to the numerical situation of the children in the Vukovar elementary schools. This analysis, based on official census data, together with vital and migration statistics, has demonstrated that the trends in the bioreproduction and migration in the gravitational zone of the Vukovar primary schools, City of Vukovar and Municipality of Bogdanovci, during the past twenty years, 1997‒2018, are highly unfavorable, and that the processes of overall depopulation, natural decline and mechanical loss, owing to the negative migration balance, have created an increasingly poor demographic framework for the student potential of Vukovar primary schools, with an even more unfavorable outlook in the future. The needed stabilization and improvement of the demographic situation are only possible with the long-term and comprehensive implementation of pro-natal, immigration and redistribution incentives in population, family and economic policies, which would entail the comprehensive demographic revitalization of Croatia and each of its parts.