This issue focuses on the digitalisation of education and on utilising technology in teaching and learning. This is not a new topic for the magazine – and with good reason. Both in theory and practice, incorporating ICT into education is a constantly developing field and process; new knowledge and developments are introduced into the practice of teaching more quickly than they are into various official strategies. "Digital transformation" is a term used in politics and at the decision-making level to describe the various processes and recommendations to governments about incorporating technology use in schools. Recently, these processes have been guided by the European Commission's (2021) Digital Education Action Plan. In this and similar strategies, it is important to distinguish between the processes of "digitisation", "digitalisation" and "digital transformation" (Schmidt & Tang, 2020). ; Tokratna tematska številka Andragoških spoznanj se posveča digitalizaciji izobraževanja in vključevanju sodobnih tehnologij v procese učenja. To temo smo v reviji že večkrat obravnavali – z razlogom. Uvajanje IKT v izobraževalni proces je namreč področje in proces, ki se nenehno razvija – teoretsko, pa tudi v praksi –, spoznanja pa se hitreje kot v različne strategije vpeljujejo kar v samo prakso poučevanja. »Digitalna preobrazba« je pojem, s katerim se predvsem na politični, odločevalski ravni opisujejo različni procesi in priporočila vladam glede vključevanja tehnologije v šole. V zadnjem času te procese usmerja zlasti Akcijski načrt za digitalno izobraževanje, ki ga pripravlja Evropska komisija (2021). V tej in podobnih strategijah je treba ločevati med procesi »digitizacije« (angl. digitisation), digitalizacije in pa »digitalne preobrazbe« (Schmidt in Tang, 2020).
Članek poskuša konceptualizirati odnos med individualnim (stro-kovnim) in strukturnim v obdobju razmeroma korenitih sprememb v družbi. Izzivalna in razkrivajoča dialektika takih odnosov je analizirana s kombinacijo avtoetnografskih razmislekov, ob naslonitvi na arhivske dokumente, ki prikazujejo spremembe v delovanju strokovnega sveta v državi, ki je doživela tri temeljne miroljubne prehode in se tudi spopadla z njimi: prehod iz samoupravnega socialističnega gospodarstva v tržno gospodarstvo, prehod iz enopartijskega socialističnega sistema v repre-zentativno liberalno demokracijo in prehod iz republike, ki je bila del zvezne države, v neodvisno državo. Strokovni svet Socialistične republi-ke Slovenije (takrat še del Socialistične republike Jugoslavije), pozneje preimenovan v Strokovni svet Republike Slovenije (takrat že liberalna demokracija s tržnim gospodarstvom in z neodvisno državo), lahko slu-ži kot primer produktivnega prepletanja individualnega (strokovnega) in strukturnega pri oblikovanju in izvajanju preobrazbe izobraževalnega sistema. Kontekstualizirani prikaz in ocena premikov, ki so skupaj pri-pomogli k nastanku neodvisne države in njenega oblikovanja izobraže-valnega sistema, opisuje zapletenost in pomen refleksivnega upravljanja v času tranzicije, ki sama po sebi v ospredje postavlja vrsto pomembnih vprašanj ter vabi in podpira spremembe v izobraževalnem sistemu. Ta-kšne priložnosti država in njeni edukatorji ne bi smeli zamuditi. ; This article attempts to conceptualise the relationship between the indi-vidual (professional) and the structural in a period of relatively radical changes in society. The challenging and revealing dialectic of such rela-tions is analysed through the combination of auto-ethnographic reflec-tions and archival documents showing the changes in the functioning of a council of experts in a country that experienced and coped with three fundamentally peaceful transitions: the transition from a self-managed socialist economy to a market economy, the transition from a one-party socialist system to a representative liberal democracy, and from a re-public that was part of a federal state to an independent state. The Ex-pert Council of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (then still part of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia), later renamed the Expert Council of the Republic of Slovenia (at that time a liberal democracy with a mar-ket economy and an independent state), can serve as an example of the productive intertwining of individual (expert) and the structural in the formulation and the implementation of the functional transformation of the educational system. The contextualised account and assessment of the shifts that together helped bring about the independent state and its education system formation outlines the complexity and importance of reflexive governance in the times of transition, which, in itself, brings to the fore a number of relevant issues and invites and supports change in the educational system. Such an opportunity should not be missed by the country and its educators.
Z začetkom bolonjskega procesa v letu 1999, ki sloni na ideji o enotnem, primerljivem, privlačnem in konkurenčnem prostoru evropskega visokega šolstva, se je za sodelujoče evropske države pričelo obdobje sprememb. Med njimi je bila tudi Slovenija, ki je postopoma sledila in uvajala cilje in načela bolonjskega procesa v slovenski visokošolski prostor. V magistrskem delu natančneje predstavim bolonjsko reformo in z njo vnesene številne spremembe ter novosti v slovenski visokošolski prostor. Skozi analizo različne literature in dokumentov je sprva predstavljen nastanek bolonjskega procesa in njegov razvoj s poudarkom na ciljih, ki so se v okviru reforme skušali doseči. Opisan je njegov razvoj od začetka do danes, saj so se od podpisa Bolonjske deklaracije dalje odvijala srečanja ministrov za visoko šolstvo, kjer se je spremljalo uresničevanje zastavljenih ciljev, ki so se skozi leta tudi dopolnjevali in spreminjali. V drugem delu naloge pa se skozi razvoj bolonjskega procesa večji del pozornosti usmeri v uveljavljanje slednjega v slovenski visokošolski prostor. Prikazane so številne novosti, ki zajemajo tako sistemske, strukturne kot organizacijske spremembe in so vplivale na sam potek izobraževanja v visokem šolstvu. Z bolonjsko reformo se v visokem šolstvu vse bolj uveljavlja koncept vseživljenjskega učenja, zato se v tretjem delu naloge prikaže, kako se to odraža skozi različne dokumente bolonjskega procesa. Vključitev Slovenije v bolonjski proces in postopno uveljavljanje bolonjske reforme pa se je odražalo tudi v samih ciljih razvoja visokega šolstva pri nas, zato se v tretjem delu naloge osredotočim še se na spreminjanje ciljev od začetka bolonjske reforme vse do danes. Bolj kot se bolonjska reforma v prostoru uveljavlja, bolj vidne so spremembe v slovenskem visokošolskem prostoru in sledenje evropski viziji v razvoju in usmerjenosti visokega šolstva ; In 1999, the Bologna process started with an idea of a united, comparable, attractive, and competitive place in the European higher education system. Among the countries that have joined was also Slovenia, which gradually followed and introduced the goals and principles of the Bologna system into the Slovenian higher education area, which had a notable impact on education. Through the analysis of various literature and documents, the text initially shows the very origin of the Bologna process, its purpose and goals, which were sought to be achieved through the process. The text also describes the development from the beginning to the present, as through the years of bologna process many meetings of ministers of higher education have taken place. There, the development of the Bologna reform has been monitored and at the same time, many novelties/innovations have been added that are important for our understanding of the Bologna process. In the second part, through the development of the Bologna Process, most of the attention is focused on the implementation of the Bologna reform in the Slovenian higher education area, where its impact on education is also explored. Numerous novelties and changes – from systemic, structural, and organizational, which influenced the course of education, are presented. There are also various documents as part of the Bologna reform, where the concept of lifelong learning in higher education is mentioned and the role and importance of it are increasingly emphasized. Slovenia's inclusion into the Bologna Process and the gradual implementation of the reform was also reflected in the goals of higher education development. This is why the third part of the thesis is focused on how the goals changed from the beginning of the reform until today. The more the Bologna reform is implemented in the place, the more visible its impact on the goals of the Slovenian higher education is, and with that following the European vision and the orientation of higher education.
V magistrskem delu obravnavamo različne politike internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem. Glavni temelj naloge predstavlja analiza in primerjava strateških dokumentov internacionalizacije visokega šolstva obeh izbranih držav. V teoretičnem delu izpostavimo internacionalizacijo v zgodovinski perspektivi. Na kratko opišemo družbenoekonomski kontekst razvoja nizozemskih univerz ter obravnavamo nastanek in razvoj slovenskih in nizozemskih univerz. Osredotočimo se na njihovo poslanstvo ter z njim povezanim položajem jezika v raziskovalni in pedagoški dejavnosti. Opredelimo tudi termin internacionalizacije in navedemo različne definicije. Nato predstavimo oblike internacionalizacije: internacionalizacijo doma, internacionalizacijo kurikuluma ter internacionalizacijo v tujini. V okviru razvoja bolonjskega procesa predstavimo nastanek evropske gospodarske skupnosti, začetke samega procesa ter kritiko njegove neoliberalne zasnove. Raziščemo tudi zelo relevantno temo – transfer izobraževalnih politik. Zaključimo s predstavitvijo jezikovne problematike, to je vedno večja vloga angleščine v pedagoškem in raziskovalnem visokošolskem prostoru ter položaj nacionalnih jezikov. V okviru empiričnega dela najprej ugotavljamo podobnosti in razlike med nacionalnimi politikami internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem ter med politikami na institucionalni ravni – opravimo torej primerjavo Univerze v Ljubljani in Univerze v Amsterdamu. Analiza nacionalnih strateških dokumentov dokazuje, da tako slovensko kot nizozemsko visoko šolstvo sledi podobnim ciljem internacionalizacije. Kot prvo bistveno razliko pa lahko izpostavimo težnjo Nizozemske po povezovanju visokošolskih institucij z gospodarstvom in posledično prevlado gospodarskih motivov za internacionalizacijo. Nasprotno pa internacionalizacijo slovenskega visokega šolstva usmerjajo predvsem politični motivi, saj želi država utrditi prepoznavno podobo nacionalnega visokega šolstva. S tem pa je povezana tudi druga pomembna razlika. V nizozemskih strateških dokumentih je poudarjena namera po konkurenčnosti in prepoznavnosti države na globalni ravni, medtem ko je v slovenskih strateških dokumentih v ospredju potreba po vzpostavitvi regionalne identitete. Nizozemska se torej usmerja v bolj globalno internacionalizacijo, Slovenija pa v regionalno. Državi sta si podobni v tem, da vidita internacionalizacijo kot poglavitni dejavnik pri razvoju svojega visokega šolstva, ki rezultira v izboljšanje njegove kakovosti. Analiza politike internacionalizacije dveh osrednjih univerz v obeh država pokaže, da je zaradi statusa mednarodne in dvojezične univerze Univerze v Amsterdamu internacionalizacija njena ključna značilnost, medtem ko je ljubljanska univerza pri svoji internacionalizaciji dokaj omejena. Zaradi svoje izrazite mednarodne usmerjenosti Univerza v Amsterdamu izvaja pouk v t. i. mednarodni predavalnici. Nizozemska in njene univerze so že – gledano z zgodovinske perspektive – veliko bolj mednarodno odprte. Slednje pa je prispevalo k temu, da Nizozemska spada med najbogatejše države na svetu. Prednost bogatih držav pa niso le zadostna finančna sredstva za implementacijo optimalne internacionalizacije, ampak tudi »privilegij« postavljanja trendov na področju internacionalizacije. Preučujemo tudi medsebojno skladnost strateških dokumentov v posamezni državi ter način odražaja ciljev bolonjskega procesa v ciljih strateških dokumentov. Ugotovimo, da je v nizozemskih strateških dokumentih v primerjavi s slovenskimi prisotno bistveno večje ujemanje v ključnih oziroma prioritetnih ciljih, kar je mogoče pripisati aktivni vključenosti nizozemskih univerz pri oblikovaju politik. Bolonjski cilji so izraženi v obeh državnih in obeh institucionalnih strategijah internacionalizacije. Izpostavili bi cilj pospeševanja mobilnosti, ki se pojavi v vseh štirih strategijah. Na koncu raziskujemo, kako državi urejata oziroma rešujeta vprašanje jezika visokega šolstva. Ugotovili smo, da v obeh državah zakona, ki urejata področje visokega šolstva, izpostavljata skrb za materinščino. Ta naloga spada v okvir visokošolskih zavodov. Univerza v Amsterdamu ima – za razliko od Univerze v Ljubljani – oblikovano svojo jezikovno strategijo, v kateri je pojasnjeno, na kakšen način se izbere oziroma določi jezik poučevanja, s čimer je odločitev o jeziku poučevanja olajšana. Kot je pokazala primerjava različnih dokumentov s področja visokega šolstva in strategij, je današnja internacionalizacija v različnih državah pod vplivom tako sodobnih procesov, konkretneje bolonjskega procesa, kot tudi različnih zgodovinskih dejavnikov oziroma okoliščin. Enake politike internacionalizacije se torej v različnih okoljih implementirajo različno. S tem tudi potrjujemo ugotovitev de Wita in F. Hunter (2015, str. 2), da ni modela internacionalizacije, ki bi ustrezal vsem. ; Internationalisation of Higher Education in Slovenia and the Netherlands After the Implementation of the Bologna Process In this thesis, we discuss the different internationalisation policies of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Analysing and comparing the strategic documents about the internationalisation of higher education in the chosen countries is the basis of the following thesis. In the theoretical part, we put internationalisation in a historical perspective. We concisely describe the socioeconomic context of the development of Dutch universities and analyse the origins and development of Slovene and Dutch universities. Furthermore, we focus on the mission of universities and their related position of language in research and teaching. We also define internationalisation and present its different definitions. Additionally, we introduce the forms of internationalisation: internationalisation at home, internationalisation of the curriculum, and internationalisation abroad. In the context of the development of the Bologna Process, we present the emergence of the European Economic Community, the beginnings of the process itself, and a critique of its neo-liberal concept. Moreover, we also explore the transfer of educational policies. We conclude by presenting the language issues, i.e., the growing role of English in teaching and research in higher education, and the position of national languages. In the empirical part, we first identify similarities and differences between national policies on the internationalisation of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Then we examine the policies at the institutional level by comparing the University of Ljubljana and the University of Amsterdam. Analysis of national strategy documents shows that both Slovenian and Dutch higher education pursue similar internationalisation objectives. However, the first significant difference is the Dutch tendency to connect higher education institutions with the economy. Consequently, economic motives for internationalisation prevail. In contrast, the internationalisation of Slovenian higher education is driven primarily by political motives, as the country wants to consolidate a recognisable national higher education. Nonetheless, there is another important difference. The Dutch strategy documents emphasise the intention to make the country competitive and visible on a global level, while the Slovenian strategy documents focus on the need to establish a regional identity. The Netherlands is therefore moving towards a more global internationalisation, whereas Slovenia moves towards a regional one. At the same time, they both perceive internationalisation as the crucial factor in developing higher education. Particularly, in the context of increasing its quality. The two countries are similar in the way they see internationalisation – as the major factor in the development of their higher education and as means to enhance its quality. An analysis of the internationalisation policies of the two central universities in both countries shows that, due to its status as an international and bilingual university, internationalisation is a leading feature of the University of Amsterdam. On the contrary, the University of Ljubljana is somewhat limited in its internationalisation. Due to its strong international orientation, the University of Amsterdam holds its classes in a so-called "international classroom." Historically viewed, The Netherlands and its universities have been much more internationally opened. This has contributed to the Netherlands being one of the wealthiest countries in the world. The advantage of rich countries is not only having sufficient financial resources to implement optimal internationalisation, but also the "privilege" of setting trends in the area of internationalisation. We also look at the coherence between the strategic documents in each country and how the objectives of the Bologna Process are reflected in the objectives of the strategic documents. We have found out that there is a significantly higher congruence in the key objectives in the Dutch strategic document compared to the Slovenian ones. The reason for that could be the active involvement of Dutch universities in policymaking. The Bologna objectives are reflected in both national and both institutional internationalisation strategies. We aim to highlight the objective of promoting mobility, which appears in all four strategies. Lastly, we explore the way of how countries are addressing the issue of the language of higher education. We have discovered that the laws governing higher education emphasise care for the mother tongue in both countries. The University of Amsterdam has constructed a language strategy that explains how the instruction language is chosen and determined. By doing so, the decision for the instruction language is less complicated. At the moment, the University of Ljubljana still does not have the same approach. By comparing different higher education documents and strategies, we have shown that contemporary changes (specifically the Bologna Process) and various historical factors have influenced internationalisation today. The same internationalisation policies are therefore implemented differently in various contexts. This also confirms the observation made by de Wit and F. Hunter (2015, p. 2) that there is "no one model that fits all".
Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.
Odgovornost zaščititi (R2P) je bila sprejeta kot odziv na humanitarne katastrofe ob prelomu tisočletja, ko države niso zaščitile svojega prebivalstva pred grozodejstvi. Čeprav formalno ne gre za pravno normo, vsebinsko odraža obstoječe mednarodnopravne obveznosti držav, ki vključujejo preprečevanje hudodelstev zoper človečnost, vojnih hudodelstev in genocida. (Ne)spopadanje s pandemijo per se ne sodi v okvir R2P, vendar to ne pomeni, da zanjo ni izjemnega pomena. Izbruh pandemije COVID-19 je mednarodno skupnost postavil pred resen izziv. Poleg zdravstvene je prinesla še ekonomsko in socialno krizo, kar predstavlja resen dejavnik tveganja za pojav ali pospešitev grozodejstev, ki jih morajo države skladno z R2P preprečevati. K dolgotrajnejši prekinitvi sovražnosti, ki bi omogočila dostavo humanitarne pomoči najbolj ranljivim in uspešnejšo zajezitev pandemije, pa jih niso prepričali niti pozivi generalnega sekretarja Organizacije združenih narodov niti Generalne skupščine, Varnostnega sveta ali Sveta za človekove pravice, kar je posledično že tako marsikje težke življenjske razmere prebivalstva le še poslabšalo. Glede na takšno ravnanje držav se postavlja vprašanje, ali bi lahko neustrezno spopadanje s pandemijo rezultiralo celo v hudodelstvu zoper človečnost ali v kontekstu oboroženega spopada v vojnem hudodelstvu. Magistrsko diplomsko delo se tako osredotoča na vprašanja kako, če sploh, se spremeni odgovornost držav v času pandemije, kakšen vpliv ima slednja na R2P, ali je pandemijo mogoče nasloviti v okviru R2P ali pa bi le-to pomenilo izkrivljanje doseženega konsenza iz l. 2005. ; The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was adopted in response to the humanitarian catastrophes at the turn of the millennium, as States did not protect their populations from atrocities. Although not formally a legal norm, its content reflects the international legal obligations of States, which include the prevention of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. Addressing the pandemic itself does not fall within the scope of R2P, however it is of extreme importance for it. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic presents a serious challenge to the international community, as it not only presents health but also an economic and social crisis, which is a serious risk factor for the occurrence or acceleration of atrocities that States must prevent according to the R2P. However, neither the calls of the Secretary-General of the United Nations nor the General Assembly, the Security Council or the Human Rights Council, convinced them of longer-term ceasefires, which would enable delivery of humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable population and a more successful containment of a pandemic. Consequently, already difficult living conditions of the population have only worsened. Given the States' conduct, the question arises whether inappropriate responses to the pandemic could result in a crime against humanity or in the context of armed conflict in a war crime. The master's thesis thus focuses on how, if at all, the responsibility of the States changes during a pandemic, what impact it has on the R2P, whether the pandemic can be addressed under R2P, or the latter would only distort the 2005 reached consensus.
V današnjem času se soočamo s številnimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katerimi se pojavljajo tudi naravne nesreče, (ne)nalezljive bolezni ter lakota in žeja. Vpliv na manifestacijo teh groženj je moč posredno ali neposredno pripisati tudi stanju v našem okolju. V Evropi Zahodni Balkan izstopa s slabšim stanjem okolja in z višjo stopnjo okoljske degradacije v primerjavi s preostalimi regijami na kontinentu. V tem magistrskem delu sem preučeval stanje okolja v državah Zahodnega Balkana ter njegovo povezavo z varnostno paradigmo. Pri tem sem uporabil kombinacijo različnih raziskovalnih metod: analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, deskriptivna metoda, metoda primerjalne analize ter analiza statističnih podatkov. Prek analize sem ugotovil povezanost med stanjem okolja in varnostnimi grožnjami. Najvišjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja sta po indikatorjih imeli BiH in Črna gora, medtem ko sta najnižjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja imeli Severna Makedonija in Albanija. Pozitivni del okoljske varnostne paradigme Zahodnega Balkana, v primerjavi s preteklostjo, so zvišanje kakovosti vodnih virov ; gradnja sanitarne, vodne in okolju prijazne energetske infrastrukture, ter izboljšanje pravnih in regulativnih okvirjev za zaščito in varovanje okolja. Kljub napredku se Zahodni Balkan še vedno sooča z nekaterimi okoljskimi izzivi, kot so slabo stanje ozračja, slabo upravljanje z odpadki, ter slaba implementacija okoljskih strategij in pravnih aktov. Države Zahodnega Balkana bodo tako v prihodnosti morale še veliko postoriti za izboljšanje stanja svojega okolja, s čimer bi se znižala ogroženost ljudi, ki na tem prostoru živijo. ; We are currently facing numerous security threats, including natural disasters, diseases, hunger, and thirst. Some of the influence for the manifestation of these threats can be ascribed, either directly or indirectly, to the condition of our environment. In Europe, the region of the Western Balkans stands out as being in one of the worst environmental conditions and having some of the worst levels of environmental degradation, when compared to other regions. In this Master's thesis I studied the condition of the environment in the states of the Western Balkans and its connection with the security paradigm. I utilised the following research methods: primary and secondary source analysis, descriptive method, comparative analysis, and statistical analysis. Through this analysis I established the connection between the condition of the environment and security threats. According to the indicators, the two states with the highest security risk due to environmental conditions were Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, while the two states which had the lowest risk were North Macedonia and Albania. The positive parts of the environmental security paradigm of the Western Balkans, when compared to the past, are the increase in the quality of water sources, the construction of sanitation and water treatment infrastructure, the construction of environmentally friendly energy infrastructure, and the improvement of legal and regulatory frameworks for the protection of the environment. Despite this progress, the Western Balkans are still facing problems such as poor air quality, inadequate waste management, and poor implementation of environmental strategies and legal acts. The states of the Western Balkans, therefore, still have a long way to go in order to improve the condition of their environment, which would also lower the security threat to the people who live in the region.
This article provides an overview of censorship and book bans in Austria between 1751 and 1848. It is based on the catalogues and lists of banned manuscripts and books and the available censorship regulations and censors' protocols; moreover, the most important persons involved in censorship such as Gerard van Swieten, Count Sedlnitzky, and Metternich are introduced, and their impact on the book trade is shown. From an instrument encouraging Enlightenment and defending morality during the reign of Maria Teresa and Joseph II, censorship became a major factor of political repression after the French Revolution. The focus moved from the protection of Catholicism against Protestant "heresy" and superstition to the defense of monarchy against liberalism and nationalism. The aim of enlightening the citizens and promoting their happiness pursued during the second half of the eighteenth century was replaced by the will to maintain the "peace" of the state and suppress any ideas that confounded its interests. ; Razprava preučuje cenzuro in prepovedi knjig v Avstriji med letoma 1751 in 1848. Temelji na katalogih in seznamih prepovedanih rokopisov in knjig ter razpoložljivih predpisih o cenzuri in cenzorskih protokolih; poleg tega so predstavljene najpomembnejše osebe, vpletene v cenzuro, kot so Gerard van Swieten, grof Sedlnitzky in Metternich, in prikazan njihov vpliv na knjižni trg. Od instrumenta, ki je spodbujal razsvetljenske ideje in branil moralo, kar je bilo značilno za vladavino Marije Terezije in Jožefa II., je cenzura po francoski revoluciji postala glavni dejavnik politične represije. Težišče se je premaknilo z zaščite katolištva pred protestantsko herezijo« in vraževerjem k obrambi monarhije pred liberalizmom in nacionalizmom. Cilj razsvetljenja državljanov in spodbujanje njihove sreče, ki ga je zasledovala cenzura v drugi polovici 18. stoletja, sta nadomestila volja po ohranjanju »miru« države in za-tiranje vseh idej, ki so bile v navzkrižju z njenimi interesi.
Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.
Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.
V prvem delu magistrskega dela sem se osredotočil na zgodovino in organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike, predstavil sem požarno preventivo in vzroke za požare. V svetu požari postajajo vedno večji problem, saj zaradi klimatskih sprememb, staranja prebivalstva, malomarnosti ljudi, nepazljivosti, novih tehnologij, različnih novih materialov in zmanjševanja vlaganj v požarno varnost lahko povzročijo vse večjo premoženjsko, materialno in človeško škodo. S tem lahko opozorimo na dejstvo, da je gasilstvo zelo pomembna družbena panoga, ki pa je v Sloveniji slabše cenjena kot v Združenih državah Amerike. K znanju in usposobljenosti gasilcev izjemno pripomorejo zgodovina, organiziranost in vlaganje denarja. Seveda ne smemo pozabiti tudi na izboljševanje zakonodaje področja požarne varnosti, ki zajema tako načrtovanje požarne varnosti in tudi samo gašenje požarov. Organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike je različno, saj se zdi da so ameriški gasilci bolje tehnično in organizacijsko izurjeni. V zgodovini obeh držav se je zgodilo mnogo uničujočih požarov, ki so terjali veliko smrtnih žrtev in premoženja. V drugem delu magistrskega dela sem opravil statistično analizo števila požarov in škode, ki je pri tem nastala v Sloveniji in v Združenih državah Amerike v obdobju od leta 1992 do leta 2018. V Sloveniji se vsako leto zgodi od 4000 do 6000 požarov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se v zadnjih letih zgodi od 1,3 milijona do 1,6 milijona požarov letno. Najpogostejši požari so požari v objektih, v prometu, v naravi in v komunalnih ali drugih zabojnikih. V Sloveniji se skozi leta število požarov drastično ni spremenilo, vendar pa število ves čas niha. V Združenih državah Amerike se je število požarov iz leta 1992 zmanjšalo za okoli 25 %. Število poškodovanih v požarih se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih malce zvišuje, število smrtnih žrtev požara pa ostaja dokaj konstantno. V Združenih državah Amerike obe ti številki skozi leta padata. Izjema je le leto 2001, ko se je zgodil napad na World Trade Center. Premoženjska škoda, ki je nastala v požarih, je v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih okoli 7 milijonov evrov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se ta številka že več kot 15 let vrti okoli 15 milijard dolarjev. Spet pa je izjema leto 2001 zaradi napada v New Yorku, ki je povzročil več kot 30 milijard denarne škode. ; In the first part of the master's degree thesis, I focused on the history and organization of firefighters in Slovenia and United States of America, I presented fire prevention and the causes of fires. In the world, fires are becoming an increasing problem, as they can cause increasing property, material and human damage due to climate change, population aging, human negligence, carelessness, new technologies, various new materials and reduced investment in fire safety. Therefore, firefighting is a very important social sector, which is less valued in Slovenia than in the United States. History, organization and investment of money contribute enormously to the knowledge and skills of firefighters. Of course, we must not forget to improve the legislation in the field of fire safety, which includes both fire safety planning and firefighting itself. The organization of firefighters in Slovenia and the United States is different, it seems that American firefighters are better technically and organizationally trained. In addition, this profession is also more valued there. There have been many devastating fires in the history of both countries, claiming many lives and property. In the second part of my master's degree thesis, I performed a statistical analysis of the number of fires and damage that occurred in Slovenia and the United States in the period from 1992 to 2018. In Slovenia, between 4,000 and 6,000 fires occur every year. In the United States, however, 1.3 million to 1.6 million fires have occurred in recent years. The most common fires are fires in buildings, in traffic, in nature, and in communal or other containers. In Slovenia, the number of fires has not changed drastically over the years, the number fluctuates all the time. In the United States, however, the number of fires in 1992 fell by about 25 percents. The number of people injured in fires in Slovenia has been rising slightly in recent years, while the number of fatalities in fires has remained fairly constant. In the United States, however, both of these numbers have been falling over the years. The only exception is 2001, when the attack on the World Trade Center took place. The property damage caused by fires in Slovenia in recent years is around 7 million euros, and in the United States this figure has been hovering around 15 billion dollars for more than 15 years. Again, the exception is 2001 due to the attack in New York, which caused more than 30 billion in monetary damage.
V okviru aktualnih procesov v mednarodni skupnosti je mogoče opaziti večje poudarjanje vloge nedržavnih akterjev v tradicionalnih državocentričnih oblikah vladanja. Aktivnosti slednjih so zaznane na področju problematike, povezane z oskrbo z globalnimi okoljskimi dobrinami. Magistrsko delo poskuša ovrednotiti vlogo nedržavnih akterjev, natančneje mednarodnih nevladnih okoljskih organizacij (MNVOO) v okviru mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj lahko aktivnosti MNVOO kritično vplivajo na učinkovito delovanje režimov samih. Predmet proučevanja je vpliv MNVOO v državocentričnih mednarodnih okoljskih režimih, primarni cilj pa je ovrednotenje vpliva MNVOO na spremembe v teh režimih. Vplive MNVOO bomo ovrednotili skozi zrcalo treh teoretskih perspektiv mednarodnih režimov. S podrobnejšo analizo Evropske unije kot pomembnega akterja mednarodnega režima za boj proti podnebnim spremembam, konkretno njenega sistema za trgovanje z emisijami (EU ETS), – in s to analizo povezanimi odzivi evropskih MNVOO na delovanje EU ETS – bomo dosegali cilj magistrskega dela. Ugotovitve pokažejo, da je vloga MNVOO v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov manj pomembna kot v fazi implementacije. Realizem se pokaže kot najprimernejša teoretska perspektiva v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj ti kažejo posledice strukturnega izražanja moči med državami. Ker liberalizem poudarja pomen večjega vključevanja nevladnih akterjev v fazi implementacije mednarodnih režimov, se ta teoretska perspektiva izkaže kot najbolj primerna za obravnavo izbranega mednarodnega okoljskega režima. Liberalizmu se pridruži šibkejši kognitivizem, saj temelji na medsebojnem učenju ter delitvi informacij. ; Within the current processes of the contemporary international community, academic research observes a greater emphasis being placed on the role of international non-state actors in generally state-centered forms of governance. Their activities are manifested in the field of problems related to the supply of global environmental goods. This master's thesis aims to evaluate the role of non-state actors, (i.e. environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs)) in internationalenvironmental regimes (IERs), as ENGOs' activities can significantly contribute to a more effective operation of IERs. Thesis seeks to examine the impact of ENGOs on IERs, whereby its primary goal is to assess the actual ENGOs' influence on changes within state-centric IERs. ENGOs influence will be evaluated through the lens of three theoretical perspectives on international regimes. The set goal will be achived through detailed analysis of the European Union – and its emissions trading system (EU ETS), respectively – as one of the leading players within the international climate change regime – and through associated response of European ENGOs on EU ETS. Thesis shows that ENGOs play greater role at the IERs implementation phase in comparison to IERs formation phase. Realism proves to be the most applicable theoretical perspective at the IERs formation phase, as newly established IERs demonstrate structural power relations between the states. Placing greater emphasis on the ENGOs involvement at the IERs implementation phase, liberalism attests to be the most suitable theoretical perspective for this master's thesis case study. Being based on mutual learning and information sharing, liberalism is joined by weak cognitivism.
Magistrsko delo analizira delovanje male države, ko je ta na čelu Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE), v okviru enega od glavnih področij delovanja institucije – upravljanja in preprečevanja konfliktov. Analizira, kako lahko mala država s pametno uporabo svoje mehke moči deluje kot agent preventivne diplomacije in s katerimi ovirami se pri tem srečuje. Magistrsko delo kot študijo primera obravnava krizo v Kirgiziji leta 2005, ki sovpada s predsedovanjem Slovenije OVSE. Delo pokaže, da ima mala država ravno zaradi svojih specifičnih lastnosti primerjalne prednosti pri delovanju v okviru preventivne diplomacije, saj jo druge države pogosto dojemajo kot razmeroma nepristranskega akterja, ki se v reševanje krize ne vpleta aktivno zato, da bi zasledoval (ozko definirane) nacionalne interese, kar je pogost očitek velikim državam. Prav tako se pokaže, da je zaslomba, ki jo mali državi daje institucija (v našem primeru OVSE), lahko ključnega pomena, saj se mali državi pod okriljem institucije s tem krepi legitimnost. Analiza delovanja Slovenije v primeru krize v Kirgiziji še pokaže, da je ena od glavnih nalog male države kot predsedujoče mednarodni instituciji skupnostno delovanje, ki mora upoštevati pravila odločevalskega procesa, obenem pa ravno skupnostno delovanje prinaša mali državi možnost, da se v mednarodnem okolju izkaže kot zanesljiv partner in deluje kot most med različnimi interesi. S tem krepi svoj mednarodni ugled in posledično svojo mehko moč. ; The thesis analyses activities of small states (focusing on Slovenia) during their Chairmanship of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in the field of conflict management and conflict prevention as one of the main areas of the OSCE. It analyses how a small country can put its soft power to smart use and act as an agent of preventive diplomacy and what the main obstacles for its activities are. The thesis deals with a case-study of the Kyrgyz revolution in 2005, which coincided with Slovenia's Charimanship of the OSCE. The thesis shows that a small country's specific characteristics bring comparative advantages in preventive diplomacy, because small countries do not engage actively in crisis resolution in pursuit of their (narrowly defined) national interests as it is often associated with big states. It also shows that organizational backing (in our case the OSCE's) is vital for small states, because it provides legitimacy. With the analysis of Slovenia's Chairmanship, the thesis shows that one of the main tasks for a small country, chairing an international institution, is a community action with an emphasis on the decision-making process. A successful community action brings about opportunities for a small country to prove itself in an international environment and to act as a bridge builder between different interests. With this, the small country can strengthen its international reputation and its soft power.
EU je prva regionalna organizacija, ki si je v GS OZN prizadevala za nadgradnjo svoje opazovalne funkcije in 3. maja 2011 z resolucijo GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 pridobila okrepljen status opazovalca. Ker je sprejetje omenjene resolucije vzpostavilo okvir, ki prinaša spremembe za delovanje EU v GS OZN, je cilj moje magistrske naloge analizirati, kakšen vpliv je imela resolucija na koherentnost glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri resolucijah, povezanih z jedrskim orožjem. Ker je nesoglasje med DČ EU v GS OZN najvišje glede resolucij, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje, sem raziskovala, v kolikšni meri je sprejetje resolucije GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 prispevalo k sposobnosti EU, da v GS OZN predstavi skupno stališče oziroma »govori z enim glasom«, ko se razpravlja o tako kontroverzni temi. To ugotavljam na podlagi mešane metode in sicer kvantitativne analize glasovanja DČ EU na temo resolucij GS OZN, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje in kvalitativne analize morebitnih sprememb stališč DČ EU o jedrskem oboroževanju, v osemletnem obdobju pred in po sprejetju A/RES/65/276. Ugotavljam, da resolucija GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 ni prispevala k večji stopnji koherentnosti glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri glasovanju o resolucijah jedrskega orožja. DČ EU ostajajo razdeljene glede vprašanj jedrskega razoroževanja, pri čemer tako jedrske kot nejedrske države ohranjajo močne nacionalne preference. ; The EU is the first regional organization that has strived to upgrade its observer function in the UNGA and on 3rd May 2011, with the UNGA resolution A/RES/65/276 gained an enhanced observer status. Since the adoption of this resolution has created a framework that brings changes to the functioning of the EU in the UNGA, my master's thesis aims to analyze the impact of the resolution on the EU MS' voting coherence in the UNGA on nuclear-related resolutions. Since the disagreement between the EU MS in the UNGA is the highest regarding resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons, it seems appropriate to analyse to what extent the adoption of A/RES/65/276 contributed to the EU's ability to present a common position in the UNGA or the ability to »speak with one voice« when discussing such a controversial topic. I intend to identify this on the basis of a mixed method, i.e. a quantitative analysis of the EU MS' vote on the subject of resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons and qualitative analysis of possible changes of the EU's nuclear arms standpoints in the eight year period before and after the adoption of A/RES/65/276. Findings show that the UNGA Resolution no. A/RES/65/276, did not contribute to a greater coherence in the EU MS's voting in the UNGA when voting on nuclear weapons resolutions. EU MS remain divided on nuclear disarmament issues, with both nuclear and non-nuclear states maintaining strong national preferences.