Suchergebnisse

Etička je obveza liječnika da budu upoznati s trenutnim dostignućima. Stručne medicinske udruge. poput Europskog kardiološkog društva (ESC), podupiru te vrste obveze. Troškovi stalnog medicinskog usavršavanja (SMU) u Europi su nedovoljno pokriveni od vlade i poslodavaca, ali ipak se stučne udruge kritiziraju zbog primanja alternativne financijske potpore od strane industrije. Medicinska edeukacija i osposobljavanje u području istraživanja uključuje obuku procjene kvalitete i pouzdanosti bilo koje informacije. Postoje realne opasnosti neobjektivne pristranosti kod bilo kojeg oblika znanstvene komunikacije uključujući intelektualnu, stručnu i financijsku, i izrazito je važno da se to uoči i razotkrije. Neophodna je bliska suradnja bazičnih i kliničkih istraživača iz akademskih institucija s jedne strane, te s druge strane s inženjerima i znanstvenicima istraživačkih odjela za medicinske uređaje i farmaceutskih tvrtki. Ona je ključna za razvoj novih dijagnostičkih metoda i postupaka. Promidžba industrijskih inovacija može ubrzati njihovu primjenu u kliničkoj praksi. Sveučilišta, u ovom trenutku, često potiču svoje akademsko osoblje na zaštitu svog intelektualnog vlasništva ili na komercijalizaciju svojih istraživanja, što samo po sebi ne predstavlja komercijalnu aktivnost niti predstavlja veze koje su postale meta kritika. Pod kritikom je uočeni utjecaj komercijalnih tvrtki na donošenje kliničkih odluka ili na poruke koje prenose stručne zdravstvene organizacije. Ovaj dokument donosi stav ESC o aktualnoj raspravi te savjetuje kako smanjiti komercijalni utjecaj u znanstvenoj komunikaciji i na SMU te kako osigurati odgovarajuće etičke standarde i transparentnost u odnosima između medicinske struke i industrije. ; Physicians have an ethical duty to keep up-to-date with current knowledge. Professional medical associations such as the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) support these obligations. In Europe, the costs of continuing medical education (CME) are insufficiently supported from governments and employers; however, medical associations have been criticized for accepting alternative financial support from industry. Medical education and training in research include learning how to assess the quality and reliability of any information. There is some risk of bias in any form of scientific communication including intellectual, professional, and financial and it is essential that in particular, the latter must be acknowledged by full disclosure. It is essential that there is strong collaboration between basic and clinical researchers from academic institutions on the one hand, with engineers and scientists from the research divisions of device and pharmaceutical companies on the other. This is vital so that new diagnostic methods and treatments are developed. Promotion of advances by industry may accelerate their implementation into clinical practice. Universities now frequently exhort their academic staff to protect their intellectual property or commercialize their research. Thus, it is not commercial activity or links per se that have become the target for criticism but the perceived influence of commercial enterprises on clinical decision-making or on messages conveyed by professional medical organizations. This document offers the perspective of the ESC on the current debate, and it recommends how to minimize bias in scientific communications and CME and how to ensure proper ethical standards and transparency in relations between the medical profession and industry.

The paper deals with three aspects of teaching political education: the problems of teaching social sciences in Croatia regarding their content, methods, & instruction; the quality of teaching according to the ISO 9000 norm; & the study of the quality of the program of teaching politics & economics to secondary school pupils. The methods of work chosen have made it possible to give an account of contemporary developments throughout the world in the field of methodology & instruction regarding this subject. All suggested solutions & models have not simply been copied, but adapted to the existing conditions of secondary education in Croatia. The intention is to activate fresh forces in the Croatian school system that will, taking into account the realities of the Croatian situation, find new educational paths, aware that primary importance should be given to the quality of learning & the complete satisfaction of pupils, parents, & society. This approach does not seek unobtainable material resources, but demands much effort & numerous changes in the policies & work of all those directly or indirectly involved in teaching. 2 Tables, 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The main proposition of this paper is that the Croatian legal framework for higher education fails to meet the criteria of the internal market of the EU. In the first part, the author draws a distinction between education as public good and education as service, and explains how EU law affects the regulatory autonomy of the Member States in the area of higher education. In the second part, the author analyses hitherto identified barriers to the exercise of market freedoms created by national legal frameworks of higher education. The third part discusses the Croatian legal framework and tests it against EU standards. The author concludes that deficiencies of Croatian higher education law are partly caused by the ignorance of policy makers and partly by the structural weakness of the negotiating process, where chapters are negotiated independently from one another and focused on formal fulfilment of benchmarks. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a brief review of the theory of political obligation of citizens in democracy. If democracy is a regime based on the free will of individuals (citizens), then the concept of political obligation cannot be based outside this & such freedom. Unlike rights, obligations are always social (relational, reciprocal). Because their nature is social, they have to be socialized by the processes of education: this is the process of building a political habitus in the individual identity of every person. The political responsibilities, unlike the legal ones, cannot be adopted by chance (by the processes of functional socialization), but solely by means of citizens' systematic education, as they are grounded in the freedom of choice & the nurtured civic virtues. As such, they a part of the consciously built democratic political culture of citizens, & culture must be acquired only by the processes of learning & education. A separate analysis of the relationship between the citizens' political obligations & those of the political community has been carried out since the issue here is who citizens in democracy really are responsible to. Political responsibility is not due only to authority (state, sovereign) -- as initially emphasized by the social contract theories -- but also to the other fellow citizens, & to the political community as a historical repository of our obligations & responsibilities in their entirety. Finally, the problem of political obligations from the perspective of the logic of collective action is analyzed as well as the likelihood of the existence of 'freeriders' in the achieved structure of the common good. This analysis also shows how civic education is inherent to democratic regimes. References. Adapted from the source document.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author argues that political education is indispensable to democracy & dependent on models of democracy. In analysing normative models of democracy, his focus is on the process of creating political will because it is during this process where the role of citizens themselves becomes prominent. The analysis has demonstrated that there are various ways in which citizens can become engaged in the process of creating political will, & that these various ways in fact determine the distinctiveness of each model of democracy. The author shows that strategic political action, as instrumental political action, is characteristic of the classical liberal model, whilst value-rational, ethically laden, action is characteristic of the classical republican model of democracy. The problem with both these models is that the key motives for citizen political engagement -- interests in the liberal model, & the common good in the republican model -- are in a way exogenous to the political process itself. The development of the third model, the theory of deliberative democracy, seeks to overcome these exogenous qualities of interests & the common good in relation to the political process & thus reassert the role of politics in constituting interests & the common good. Thus, the deliberative model of democracy has the potential for constituting & transforming interests & conceptions of the common good. In this model, politics assumes its distinctive function of organising society, resolving conflicts & achieving consensus. In the deliberative model of democracy, political education is provided with new outlines & dimension. These are based on the premises of social cooperation & the notion of the person as capable of acting justly & participate in the public sphere for the purpose of resolving shared problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author shows why the student movement for free education ("the blockade") is wrong in asserting that the cause of injustice in higher education is the implementation of an allegedly neo-liberal project -- the Bologna Process. Furthermore, he claims that, in a serious discussion which would include all interested parties, the students' demand of "everything free on all levels in the highest possible numbers" could not be defended as a just demand. A socially just higher education would not be one which would be available free of charge to all interested parties, but one which would ensure access to higher education to the poor. The expose of the article is divided into three sections. First, Kurelic presents some ideological-theoretical formulations used in advocating free education. Then he attempts to show the short-sightedness of such formulations by referring to the example of criticism aimed at the higher education reform in Croatia, the so-called Bologna. In the third and final section, he explains why he is of the opinion that egalitarian liberals such as Scanlon and Barry, developing their line of argument from the position of social justice, would ask for much more than cancellation of school fees on all levels, and why the demand formulated according to Barry's categories is more solid. Adapted from the source document.

The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Sadržaj rada odnosi se na uvodni referat IAIE konferencije, koja je od 17. do 21. rujna 2013. godine održana u Zagrebu. Donosi kraći pregled interkulturalne tematike u području obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj u posljednjih pola stoljeća. Pritom se prije svega polazi od interkulturnog obrazovanja što se u svojim začecima javilo u Hrvatskoj sedamdesetih godina prošloga stoljeća s masovnim ekonomskim migracijama tzv. radnika na privremenom radu u inozemstvu, na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije, kojoj je pripadala i Hrvatska. Obrazovanje djece radnika migranata predstavljalo je tada velik problem kako za zemlje porijekla, tako i zemlje prijema. Zatim se daje pogled stručnog i znanstvenog istraživanja ove teme kroz uključivanje ustanova, timova i pojedinaca u izučavanje interkulturnog obrazovanja na sasvim drugačiji, nego dotadašnji, mahom politički, način. Nekoliko znanstvenih projekata hrvatskih sociologa i pedagoga osobito su pridonijeli rasvjetljavanju ove problematike u Hrvatskoj. Naravno da se tretman interkulturalizma ne gleda isključivo kroz migrantsku prizmu, nego općekulturnu i pedagošku problematiku uređenja, inoviranja i unapređenja školskoga sustava u Hrvatskoj. Takvo zadržavanje interkulturalizam na "domaćem prostoru" daje mu sasvim novu dimenziju i ulazi u nacionalni kurikulum obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj kao inovativni iskorak prema Europi i svijetu. ; The content of the work refers to the introductory paper IAIE conference, which is 17 to 21 September 2013, was held in Zagreb. Presents a brief overview of intercultural topics in the feld of education in Croatia in the last half century. Te frst and foremost is based on intercultural education which is in its infancy occurred in Croatia in the seventies with the mass economic migration so. Workers on temporary work abroad, in the former Yugoslavia, which belonged to Croatia. Education of children of migrant workers constitute such a big problem for the country of origin and the receiving country. Ten he gives a view of professional and scientifc research of this topic through the involvement of institutions, teams and individuals in the study of intercultural education in a different, but until then, mostly political, way. Several research projects Croatian sociologist and educator in particular have contributed to solving the problems of Croatia. Of course the treatment of inter-culturalism is not looking solely through the prism of the migrant, but general community and educational issues of planning, innovation and improvement of the school system in Croatia. Such retention of interculturalism on the "home area" gives it a whole new dimension and enters the national curriculum of education in Croatia as an innovative step forward toward Europe and the world. ; Der Inhalt der Arbeit bezieht sich auf die Einführungspapier IAIE Konferenz, die 17 bis 21 September 2013 wurde in Zagreb statt. Präsentiert einen kurzen Überblick über interkulturelle Temen im Bereich der Bildung in der letzten halben Jahrhundert in Kroatien. Die erste und wichtigste ist auf interkulturelle Bildung basiert, die in ihrer Kindheit so in Kroatien in den siebziger Jahren mit der Masse der Wirtschafsmigration aufgetreten. Die Arbeiter auf der Zeitarbeit im Ausland, im ehemaligen Jugoslawien, die nach Kroatien gehörte. Bildung der Kinder von Wanderarbeitern bilden so ein großes Problem für das Herkunfsland und Aufnahmeland. Dann gibt er einen Ausblick auf berufliche und wissenschafliche Forschung zu diesem Tema durch die Einbeziehung von Institutionen, Teams und Einzelpersonen in der Studie der interkulturellen Bildung in einem anderen, aber bis dahin, vor allem politische, Art und Weise. Mehrere Forschungsprojekte kroatische Soziologe und Pädagoge haben insbesondere auf die Lösung der Probleme von Kroatien beigetragen. Natürlich ist die Behandlung von Interkulturalität sucht nicht nur durch das Prisma des Migranten, sondern allgemeine Gemeinschaf und pädagogische Fragen der Planung, Innovation und Verbesserung des Schulsystems in Kroatien. Eine solche Speicherung von Interkulturalismus auf der "Heimat" gibt es eine ganz neue Dimension und in den nationalen Lehrplan der Ausbildung in Kroatien als innovativer Schritt nach vorn in Richtung Europa und der Welt.

Na temelju uvida u sadržaj rukopisne ostavštine, članaka i monografija Ljudevita Modeca (1844.–1897.), u članku je istražen i obrađen Modecov značaj u povijesti hrvatske pedagogije. Modec je bio prvi moderni hrvatski metodičar. Obrazovao se na preparandiji u Pragu, što mu je omogućilo širenje modernih srednjoeuropskih pedagoških tendencija u brojnim hrvatskim gradovima, naročito u Zagrebu, Petrinji i Osijeku. Posebnost Modecova metodičkog rada očitovala se u tome što je primjenjivao teološki i herbartovski pedagoški pristup, pri čemu se češće opredjeljivao za teološki pristup. Takav pristup prepoznao je kao sredstvo za kvalitetan razvoj individualnog morala. U svojim člancima Modec je najčešće pisao o osobitostima metodike, dok je u monografijama najčešće tumačio metodičku praksu. U ovom članku ukratko su prikazana pedagoška, dakle metodička obilježja njegovih djela. Pritom ističem da je Modec prilikom poučavanja njegovao deduktivni pristup. U svojim tekstovima često je poticao na domoljublje. Uzrok tome bile su povijesno-političke okolnosti u kojima se hrvatski narod nalazio tijekom druge polovice 19. stoljeća (mađarizacija, germanizacija, centralizacija, neoapsolutizam), što je, uostalom, i uzrokovalo njegovo latentno političko usmjerenje prema Starčevićevoj Stranci prava. ; Based on the insight into the manuscripts, articles, and monographs by Ljudevit Modec (1844–1897), this article researches and elaborates on Modec's significance in the history of Croatian pedagogy. Modec was the first Croatian contemporary expert in teaching methodology. His education at a teacher training school in Prague enabled the spread of modern Central European pedagogic tendencies in many Croatian cities, especially in Zagreb, Petrinja, and Osijek. The distinctiveness of Modec's work in teaching methodology manifests in the implementation of a theological and Herbartian pedagogical approach. Between those, he most frequently opted for the theological approach, which he recognised as the means for a finer development of individual morals. In his articles, Modec most frequently wrote about the distinct characteristics of teaching methodology, while his monographs most often interpreted the teaching methodology practice. This article briefly outlines the pedagogical, i.e. teaching methodology characteristics of his works. In so doing, it is important to emphasise that Modec fostered the deductive approach in teaching. In his texts, he often encouraged patriotism. That was due to the political and historical circumstances in Croatia during the second half of the 19th century (Hungarianization, Germanization, centralisation, neo-absolutism), which were also the cause of his latent political tendency towards Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights.

In this paper the author uses the analysis of a concrete case -- the introduction of political education into England's school system -- to describe the scientific, professional & political debates surrounding the status of school political education in schools in democratic states. Based on this analysis he concludes that England's case unmistakably proves that the proposals regarding the introduction of the new political education syllabuses, regardless of their quality, will invariably fail unless there is a strong political will i.e. the resolve of the political elites to accept & implement them. He also concludes that in today's democratic states there is some sort of a consensus on the necessity of the existence of this segment of education as an essential component of school systems. The consensus is based on the understanding that the future of democratic political systems to a large extent depends on the existence of citizens who possess the knowledge, attitudes & capabilities necessary for their informed & responsible inclusion in the process of political decision-making. The author thinks that the analysis embarked on in this paper might serve as an incentive for the actualization of the debate on the present status, scope, models & contents of political education in Croatian schools. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares the new law on higher education with the program demanded by the Croatian Social-Liberal Party. This is a two-level comparison: a direct comparison of excerpts from the text & the articles of the law, & an indirect comparison of fundamental principles & general policies. The law plays lip service to the requirements for private universities, autonomy, & ideological neutrality. In implementation of the law, the procedures as well as the law itself have been contravened. This is illustrated by a detailed outline of the unsatisfactory provisions of the law & the U of Zagreb statute regarding students. Adapted from the source document.

Gender and sexuality in the Croatian educational context occasionally resurface in the public discourse due to political instrumentalization but are largely neglected as a research topic. To address this absence, this paper presents original data on high-school and university experiences of queer persons collected in critically oriented research which examines social inequality of queer individuals in the Croatian educational institutions. Based on these data and drawing parallels with previous studies in an international context, the authors outline a theoretical approach that conceptualises gender and sexuality as interdependent social processes. Through showing how educational institutions actively marginalise persons of non-normative gender and sexual orientation, the authors point to the importance of conceptualising the everyday life of queer persons in education as a source of knowledge about these processes by highlighting the complex relationship between gender and sexuality – which authors do by establishing theoretical and methodological collaborations between sociology, queer theories as well as critical and institutional ethnography. The study's findings suggest that educational institutions have a mediating role in creating inequality based on gender and sexual differences since they function as spaces privileging heterosexuality and heteronormativity. This results in an ambivalent status of queer gender expressions and sexualities as they are simultaneously a subject of public negotiation and stigmatization and hidden in the private sphere of each person. (In)visibility and (non)acceptance of non-normative gender expressions and sexualities in the Croatian educational context imply a continuous process of managing one's identity between institutional and personal spheres of action. ; Teme roda i seksualnosti u obrazovnom kontekstu zbog političke instrumentalizacije povremeno su prisutne u javnom diskursu, ali su istraživački nedovoljno zastupljene. To osobito vrijedi za izvorna i kritički usmjerena istraživanja koja bi utvrdila kako obrazovne institucije u Hrvatskoj pridonose društvenoj nejednakosti queer osoba. Ovim se člankom pokušava nadomjestiti ta podzastupljenost teorijskom raspravom o konceptualizaciji roda i seksualnosti kao međuovisnih osobnih i društvenih procesa te prikazom rezultata istraživanja u kojem je taj pristup korišten. Kako dosadašnje spoznaje u međunarodnom kontekstu pokazuju, obrazovne institucije imaju aktivnu ulogu u procesima marginalizacije osoba nenormativne queer rodne i seksualne orijentacije, zato je nužno razumijevanje obrazovne svakodnevice kao izvora znanja o tim procesima kroz promišljanje isprepletenosti roda i seksualnosti. Ta isprepletenost u svrhu istraživanja društvene nejednakosti nastale na temelju rodne i seksualne različitosti mora teorijski i istraživački povezati sociologiju, queer teorije te kritičku i institucionalnu etnografiju. Na taj se način uspostavlja cjeloviti teorijski i metodološki pristup koji je korišten u istraživanju srednjoškolskog i visokoškolskog obrazovnog iskustva queer osoba u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da obrazovne institucije imaju posredničku ulogu u stvaranju nejednakosti na temelju rodnih i seksualnih različitosti. Obrazovne su institucije ponajprije prostor koji privilegira heteroseksualnost i heteronormativnost, dok su queer izričaji roda i seksualnosti s jedne strane predmetom javnog označavanja i stigmatiziranja, a s druge strane predmetom prisiljavanja na privatnu i skrivenu sferu. Ne/vidljivost i ne/prihvaćanje nenormativnih rodnih izričaja i seksualnosti za queer osobe u hrvatskom obrazovnom kontekstu predstavlja trajan proces pregovaranja između institucionalnih i osobnih domena djelovanja.