Suchergebnisse

Cheng Ying-shuet. ; Thesis submitted in: November 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [199]-[201]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgement --- p.ii ; Note for Transliteration --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Background of the Research --- p.1 ; Review of Literature --- p.11 ; Purposes of the Research --- p.18 ; The Field Sites --- p.23 ; Methodology --- p.26 ; Figures 1.1-110 --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- The Lease of the New Territories --- p.42 ; The Establishment of the Heung Yee Kuk --- p.44 ; Map 21 --- p.50 ; Figures 21 --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Backgrounds of Po Toi 0 and Ping Shan --- p.52 ; Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.53 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.53 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.58 ; Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.64 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.65 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.67 ; Figures 3.1 -36 --- p.81 ; Map 31 --- p.86 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- The Composition of Villages and Its Members --- p.87 ; The Situation in Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.89 ; Chapter (A) --- Marriage Between Indigenous and Non-indigenous Villagers --- p.92 ; Chapter (B) --- Economic Benefits Tying Up Villagers --- p.98 ; Chapter (C) --- Cultural Activities Banging Villagers Together --- p.106 ; The Situation of Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.114 ; Chapter (A) --- "Indigenous Identity Separating ""Insiders"" and ""Outsiders""" --- p.115 ; Chapter (B) --- Solidarity in Ancestor Worship --- p.122 ; Po Toi O and Ping Shan As Communities without Visible Boundary --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- "The Interpretations of ""Traditional Rights´ح" --- p.131 ; Rural Affairs in the New Territories --- p.132 ; Chapter (A) --- Rural Committees and Village Representative System --- p.134 ; The Contradicting Roles of Village Representatives --- p.143 ; Chapter (A) --- The Conflicts in Po Toi O Village of Sai Kung --- p.144 ; Chapter (B) ...

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 ; Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 ; Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 ; "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 ; Reference --- p.187

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...

Tang, Kin Yat Gary. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-231). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Table of content ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.I ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.IV ; ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS --- p.V ; LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES --- p.VII ; ABSTRACT --- p.IX ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Research Background and Objective --- p.1 ; Research Design --- p.4 ; Research Significance --- p.5 ; Plan of Dissertation --- p.7 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- ELECTORAL COORDINATION: BACKGROUND OF FURTHER EXPLORATION --- p.9 ; What is the Pro-democracy Camp? --- p.9 ; Electoral Coordination in a Competitive Authoritarian Regime --- p.13 ; Literature Review: Factors behind Performance of Electoral Coordination --- p.23 ; Summary --- p.32 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- THEORY AND HYPOTHESES --- p.33 ; What is Electoral Coordination? Conceptualization and Operationalization of Dependent Variables --- p.33 ; Identifying Independent Variables --- p.38 ; Further Analytical Dimensions --- p.47 ; Research Method --- p.51 ; Summary --- p.52 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- 1998 & 2000 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTIONS --- p.54 ; Background of Elections --- p.54 ; Candidate Lists --- p.62 ; Electoral Platform --- p.64 ; Practice of Vote Division --- p.68 ; Election Forum at Mass Media --- p.73 ; Summary --- p.81 ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- 2004 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTION --- p.84 ; Background of Election --- p.84 ; Background of Strategic Coordination --- p.90 ; Strategic Coordination and Mission of The pro-democracy camp --- p.92 ; Decision-Making Mechanism of Strategic Coordination --- p.94 ; Result of Strategic Coordination --- p.95 ; Summary --- p.122 ; Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- 2008 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTION --- p.125 ; Background of Election --- p.125 ; Candidate Lists --- p.133 ; Electoral Platforms --- p.136 ; Practice of Vote Division --- p.141 ; Electoral Forum in Mass Media --- p.144 ; Dispute about Support of Anson Chan --- p.152 ; Summary --- p.153 ; Chapter ...

《基本法》雖然承諾香港循序漸進達致行政和立法機關雙普選,但回歸至今,民主政制不單停滯不前,更有倒退跡象。儘管制度沒有很大變遷,北京政府多次以不同理由拖延民主改革訴求,但親政府陣營卻逐漸擴大組織力量,降低反對派的挑戰可能,使選舉制度的競爭性降低。 ; 本文旨在探討,威權政府下舉行的選舉,究竟是促進、還是阻礙民主轉型。一般威權政府下的選舉並不穩定,反對派有可能透過不斷舉行的選舉挑戰政權,推動民主轉型。香港卻恰恰相反,反對派的不但分裂,動員能力亦逐漸降低。本文希望證明,威權主義下的選舉不一定對反對派有利,只要政權能夠鞏固選舉能力,籠絡不同社會界別孤立反對勢力,足以使反對派難以透過直接選舉推動民主。重複選舉亦不一定為反對派帶來好處,長年處於選舉威權,不但使反對派的動員能力降低,也會因策略分歧而導致路線之爭,形成轉型疲勞的局面。 ; 研究分為三部分,第一部分將檢視回歸以來選舉制度的變遷及結果,說明回歸後的選舉制度,越來越不利反對派生存。第二、三部分將探討回歸後親政府陣營及反對派的發展,當親政府陣營擴張及善理主從網絡,反對派則逐漸分裂,甚至因策略分歧互相攻訐,使反對派從選舉獲得的資源和挑戰政權的機會越來越少。 ; Basic Law has stipulated that Hong Kong will have universal suffrage gradually for legislative and executive branch. Despite that, after the handover from Britain, Chinese government has deferred democratization and suppressed opposition's urge. Besides, the pro-government coalition has established hegemony in electoral arena, which is impossible for opposition to compete with. The competitiveness of the stunned electoral politics has been further decreased. ; This article aimed to discuss whether the election hold under electoral authoritarianism is beneficial to democratization. According to hybrid regime researches, continuing elections, despite partially, create opportunities for oppositions to challenge the ruling coalition and install democratic virtues. Hong Kong is suffering from another way. Decreasing mobilization power, splitting opposition forces has shadowed democratic movement. The article aimed to suggest that provided the ruling coalition has ability to increase mobilization power and co-opting political elites, opposition loses opportunity structure to implement democratic process. They have to encounter demobilization and internal struggle within transition fatigue environment. ; There are three parts in the research. Firstly, I evaluate electoral reform and the result of repeating elections after handover. It is suggested that opposition becomes difficult to survive. The second and third sections would discuss the development of ruling elite and opposition from 1997-2012. When the ruling elite ...

Chow, Chun Shu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-187). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; Tables and Figures --- p.vi ; Chapter Part 1 --- An Overview ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theoretical Framework --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Methodology and Research Questions --- p.36 ; Chapter Part 2 --- Comparison between Headline Daily and The Standard ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- The July 1st Rally 2009 --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Legislative By-election 2007 --- p.67 ; Chapter Part 3 --- Ethnography on Sing Tao Daily ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Newsroom observations and Newsmaking --- p.102 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- News Handling - Compliance of News Workers --- p.118 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- Interviews --- p.139 ; Chapter Part 4 --- Discussion and Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter 10: --- Discussion --- p.148 ; Chapter Chapter 11: --- Conclusion and Limitations --- p.161 ; "Appendix I: Comparison between Headlines, Word Count and Page Count of Headline Daily and The Standard on Legislative Council By-election 2007" --- p.167 ; Appendix II: List of news articles written during the part-time working period in Sing Tao Daily --- p.174 ; Appendix III: List of Reporters and Assignment Editors in Sing Tao Daily whom I have encountered during the working period --- p.179 ; References --- p.180

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

Chan Chi Yuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 ...