Suchergebnisse

Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.

The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.

Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.

Predmet je rada analiza spotova predsjedničkih kandidata na vlasti u trenutku održavanja predsjedničkih izbora 2012. i 2017. godine. Iz 2012. godine analizirat će se spot kandidata Demokratske stranke Borisa Tadića, a iz 2017. godine spot kandidata Srpske napredne stranke Aleksandra Vučića. U navedenim spotovima prikazat će se korištenje negativne propagande oba kandidata prema suparnicima. Rad je podijeljen u nekoliko dijelova. Na početku će čitatelji biti upoznati sa značajem koji spotovi imaju u suvremenoj političkoj propagandi, kao i sa samim pojmom kampanje. U drugom dijelu ukazat će se na sve veći trend upotrebe negativne političke propagande. Kao metodu promatranja navedenih spotova koristit će se metoda analize sadržaja. Poseban dio odvojen je za teorijski pregled ove metode. U završnom dijelu izložit će se rezultati promatranja. Analizom navedenih spotova uočava se da je Boris Tadić, na direktan način, tokom čitavog spota pokušavao diskreditirati suparnika Tomislava Nikolića, dok je Aleksandar Vučić koristio indirektnu tehniku negativne propagande. Ova je razlika bitna, jer je strategija Aleksandra Vučića bila uspješnija, gledano kroz prizmu izbornog rezultata. Društveno akademski doprinos ovog rada je u tome što predstavlja jednu od rijetkih analiza negativne propagande tijekom predizborne kampanje u Srbiji. ; The subject of the paper is the analysis of the videos of the presidential candidates in power at the time of the presidential elections in 2012 and 2017. From 2012, the video of the candidate of the Democratic Party, Boris Tadic, will be analyzed, and from 2017, the video of the candidate of the Serbian Progressive Party, Aleksandar Vucic, will be analyzed. In the mentioned videos, the use of negative propaganda of these two candidates towards their opponents will be pointed out. The work will be divided into several parts, at the beginning the readers will be acquainted with the significance of the videos in modern political propaganda, as well as with the very concept of the campaign. The second part will point out the growing trend of using negative political propaganda. The method of content analysis will be used for the method of observing the mentioned videos. A special section will be set aside for a theoretical review of this method. In the final part, the results of the observation will be presented. The analysis of the mentioned videos shows that Boris Tadic directly tried to discredit his opponent Tomislav Nikolic during the entire video, while Aleksandar Vucic used the indirect technique of negative propaganda. This difference is important, because the strategy of Aleksandar Vucic was more successful, viewed through the election result. The socio-academic contribution of this paper is that it represents one of the rare analyzes of negative propaganda during the election campaign in Serbia

U radu se iznose rezultati provedene analize sadržaja izbornih programa političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, uz kratko uvodno objašnjenje kako je došlo do slobodnih demokratskih izbora i tko je sve sudjelovao u njima. Provedena analiza ukazuje na sadržaj ponuđenih političkih ideja, te opis morfologije tržišta političkih ideja uspostavljenih kroz predizbornu kampanju. Analiza obuhvaća programe 34 stranke i u njima prali 17. tematskih cjelina. Analizom je utvrđeno da su sličnosti u programima stranaka daleko prisutnije od razlika. Međutim, bitne razlike se pojavljuju na ključnim temama. Tako se razlike mogu pratiti na temi federacija - konfederacija, Monocentrični - policentrični razvoj Hrvatske, Jačanje nacionalnog identiteta kulture - Pluralizam nacionalnih kultura i odnos prema materinstvu i abortusu. Analizom je, takođe, utvrđeno da su najčešće teme predizbornih programa bile: Pravna država (91,2 %) i poduzetništvo i privreda (70,6 %). Uzrok lome, po mišljenju autora, treba svakako tražiti u napuštanju jedno si ranačnih monopola, kao i posvemašnjoj ekonomskoj krizi privređivanja u Hrvatskoj. ; In this paper the results of a content analysis of political parties' election programmes in Croatia are presented, preceded by a short introduction referring to the occurrence of free democratic elections and all their participants. Outlined in the analysis is the substance of the political ideas offered and also the description of the morphology of the political ideas' market established in the election campaign. The analysis consists of 34 party programmes from which 17 topics have been selected for study. The results indicate many more similarities than differences among the party programmes. However, the major differences appear where the key topics are concerned, which enables their observation through the following oppositions: federation - confederation, monocentric - polycentric development of Croatia, promotion of national cultural identity - pluralism of national cultures and finally, differing attitudes towards motherhood and abortion. The most frequent topics appearing in election programmes, according to the results of the analysis are: the civil state (91,2%) and enterprising and economy (70,6%). It is the opinion of the authors that this arises from the abandonment of the one-party monopoly as well as from the overall economic crisis in Croatia.

Između dva svjetska rata u Sisku i okolici djelovalo je više političkih stranaka. Zastupale su različite programe, a njihove organizacije bile su sastavni dijelovi stranaka čija su vodstva bila u Zagrebu i Beogradu. Njihov utjecaj i politička snaga pouzdano se mogu ustanoviti tek po rezultatima koje su postizavale na izborima za Narodnu skupštinu. U ovom prilogu upravao je obrađeno sudjelovanje političkih stranaka u skupštinskim izborima u sisačkoj izbornoj jedinici, a oni su se u jugoslavenskoj državi između dva rata održali sedam puta. Po izbornim rezultatima može se zaključiti da se velika većina birača Siska i okolice izjašnjavala za federalizam, a protiv unitarizma i velikosrpske hegemonije. ; In the period between the two world wars there were several political parties active in Sisak and its surroundings. They all were fractions of larger parties with leaderships in Zagreb or Belgrade. They represented various programs, and their force and influence can be reliably established only through the results they had achieved during parliamentary elections. In this paper the author deals with the participation of political parties in the elections for the Parliament in Sisak region, and there were seven elections in Yugoslavia between the two wars. According to the results of the elections, conclusions can be made about orientation of the electors in Sisak region, and thus also about their political preferences and backing of particular political programs. Only in the first elections (in 1920) difference of opinion between cities and country was manifested. The electors in Sisak region were oriented to several political parties the programs of which met their vital interests. But in most of them the Croatian national feelings predominated. Until the dictatorship of the 6th January they mostly supported Stjepan Radić and his Croatian (republican) Peasant Party. It was the orientation to federalism, and against unitarianism and great Serbian hegemony. The electors followed Radić even when he made his well known political turn and recognized the Monarchy and Vidovdan Constitution. After Radić's death, most of the electors in Sisak region supported Dr. Vladko Maček. At the elections in 1931, during the dictatorship of the 6th January, the only list of candidates in Sisak was that of the government. The electors' attitude towards this list was best shown by their abstinence. At the elections in 1935 and 1938 most of them voted for the oppositional list with Dr. Maček at its head. That meant that they continued to support the program of equality of peoples in Yugoslavia and looked for resolution of the Croatian question in establishing federalism. Such orientation fitted into the Croatian national movement which extended all over Croatia.

Swing države izrazito su važan političko-geografski fenomen u američkoj politici, a obzirom na ulogu SAD-a u svijetu taj fenomen se posljedično odražava i na svjetsku politiku. Politički sustav SAD-a jedinstven je i omogućava nastanak swing država. U analizi su proučavani određeni demografski faktori koji utječu na glasanje u swing državama kao što su rasna, religijska i dobno-spolna struktura te visina dohotka i utjecaj ruralnosti i urbaniziranosti. Na primjeru deset odabranih swing država analizirano je što je dovelo do toga da savezna država postane swing državom ili se prestane smatrati swing državom. Analiza je pokazala da neki faktori češće utječu na swing status određene savezne države nego drugi. Promatrane swing države su to najčešće postale zbog priljeva stanovništva migracijom. Uz to, analizirana je prostorna distribucija glasova unutar swing država te vrste glasača unutar swing država ; Swing states are an extremely important political-geographical phenomenon in American politics, given the role of the United States in the world, this phenomenon is consequently reflected in world politics. The US political system is unique and allows for the emergence of swing states. The analysis examined certain demographic factors influencing voting in swing states such as racial, religious and age-sex structure as well as income levels and the impact of rurality and urbanization. On the example of ten selected swing states, it was analysed what led to the federal state becoming a swing state or ceasing to be considered a swing state. The analysis showed that some factors affect the swing status of a particular federal state more often than others. The observed swing states have most often become so due to the influx of population through migration. In addition, the spatial distribution of votes within swing states were analysed and the types of voters within swing states as well.

U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.