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With California's Proposition 187 in 1994 as the backdrop for the relationship between Latinos and the Republican Party, this article explores the impact that the 2012 Presidential Election had on Latinos and the growing influence of Latinos in American Politics. I look at the historical roots of the relationship between the GOP and Latinos and the short road that brought us to the apogee of anti-Latino rhetoric throughout the 2012 Presidential Election and the GOP primary elections. I discuss whether or not the immigration issue has formed a structural barrier to the GOP's relationship Latinos. Next, this article looks at the outreach effort by the GOP, in particular the missteps and miscommunication between Republican Latino organizations and the Romney campaign. Last, I look at the results of the election and discuss what this could mean for the future of Latino politics and for the country. I also briefly look at the structural features of our electoral system that is hampering the GOPs ability to reach out to Latinos. I conclude with a short discussion on what the GOP can do to change this and how the Democrats should consider responding. ; Con la Proposición 187 de California en 1994 como telón de fondo de la relación entre los latinos y el Partido Republicano, este artículo explora el impacto que la elección presidencial de 2012 tuvo sobre los latinos y la creciente influencia de los latinos en la política estadounidense. Miro a las raíces históricas de la relación entre el Partido Republicano y los latinos y el camino corto que nos trajo al auge de la retórica anti-latina en las elecciones presidenciales de 2012 y las elecciones primarias del Partido Republicano. Discuto si el tema de la inmigración se ha formado una barrera estructural para los latinos la relación del Partido Republicano. A continuación, este artículo analiza el esfuerzo de divulgación por el Partido Republicano, en particular, los errores y falta de comunicación entre las organizaciones de latinos republicanos y la campaña de Romney. ...

The article focuses on problems of constitutional regulation of elections and requirements for candidates for representative positions in a democratic society. The issue of financing elections and solutions for this problem were considered, taking into account the "financial" qualification that was set at the legislative level in many democratic states of the world. The terminology that is present in the constitutional legal science concerning the regulation of elections is analyzed, the stages in the election process are considered and the main problems that occur during this process are revealed. In the course of the study of the topic, the author concludes on the need for financial control and monitoring of expenditures from the state budget during the electoral process, not only to detect a violation of legislation or to identify financial crimes, but also to determine the profitability of the electoral process as a whole, for its reformation and to reduce budget expenses during the elections. Also, the author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to bring the financial qualification to the financial capability of all citizens of the state for each subsequent election, proceeding from the official minimum and average salaries.

03:06:08 horas ; Cubrimiento especial que realizó la alianza de medios de la UNAB sobre estas elecciones regionales. #Elecciones2019 #JóvenesEligen Alianza de medios de la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Periódico 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo y UNABTV. ; Coverage of the elections of the representatives to the curricular committees of academic programs, councils of faculties, Academic Council and Board of Directors of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga 2019. Special coverage made by the UNAB media alliance on these regional elections. # Elecciones2019 # JóvenesEligen . Media Alliance of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Newspaper 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo and UNABTV. "

The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; This article analyses the effects that excluding the Cell Phone-only Population (CPO) has on the accuracy of pre-election telephone surveys in Spain. The data were taken from the 2012 Andalusia Regional Election, where all poll-based forecasts failed. Our results show how using only landlines contributed to significant biases in voting estimates, where votes for the right-wing party (PP) were overestimated and votes for the left-wing parties (PSOE and IU) were underestimated. Moreover, and consistently with similar studies carried out in other countries, our analysis shows how under-coverage is clearly structured along important socio-demographic variables. This means that under-coverage could be causing bias in the measurements of other subjects that are important for social and political research in Spain. ; The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; El objetivo del ...

This work analyzes the behavior of the Mexican radio during the elections in July 2000. It also revises the role of the radio as a field for political discussion, and studies the way this issue was handled. At last, it revises the possible impact of new factors in the Mexican radio, in order to obtain an independent treatment of political information. ; En este trabajo se analiza el comportamiento de la radio en México ante la contienda electoral de julio de 2000. Se examina el papel de la radio como espacio para la discusión política, así como el tratamiento informativo que hizo del tema. Asimismo, se analiza la posible repercusión de factores de reciente surgimiento en el panorama radiofónico para un manejo más autónomo de la información política en la radio.

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

The COVID-19 pandemic poses new challenges, as no one can propresa will burst a new wave of morbidity. It is therefore worth thinking about the implementation of the electronic voting procedure. In view of this, it is important to explore the role of electronic technology in local elections, share it with the experience of several countries, as well as as analyse new opportunities for the transformation of the electoral process. The aim of the work is to study the role of electronic technologies during local elections. The subject of research is electronic technologies during local elections and social relationships that arise, change and end during the use of electronic processes during local elections. The research methodology combined a set of philosophical, general, and special approaches to scientific knowledge. A study of electronic technologies in local elections has shown that electronic technologies play an important role in electoral processes. It is concluded that, under modern conditions, it is important for Ukraine to support the electoral process with the latest electronic technologies, because these technologies, if used correctly, ensuring election democracy and greater the efficiency of democracy institutions represents.

Desde el año 1992 se viene aplicando en Venezuela un sistema electoral inspirado en el modelo alemán con el que se ha buscado armonizar los principios de personalización del sufragio y de representación proporcional. En forma paradójica, desde que en 1999 entró en vigencia una nueva Constitución en la que expresamente se establece que tanto la ley como los órganos del Poder Electoral deben garantizar la aplicación de esos mismos principios, se ha iniciado una evolución que ha tenido como resultado una gran disparidad entre los votos que obtienen las organizaciones políticas y el número de escaños que se les asignan y que ha impulsado a los electores a votar sin saber quién es la persona que debe representarlos. En agosto de 2009 la Asamblea Nacional sancionó una ley orgánica sobre los procesos electorales que debe aplicarse por primera vez en las elecciones parlamentarias de septiembre de este año, en la que se cambia sustancialmente el sistema electoral vigente desde 1992, se acentúan las tendencias a una marcada desproporción entre los votos que obtienen las organizaciones políticas y los puestos que se les adjudican, se permite la introducción de elementos ajenos a nuestra tradición política como el "gerrymandering" y se hace más distante la relación entre electores y elegidos. ; Since 1992 it has been applied in Venezuela an election system inspired in the German model, trying to harmonize the principles of personalization of suffrage and proportional representation. Paradoxically, from 1999, when a new Constitution was enforced which established expressly that both the act and the organs of the Electoral Power should guarantee the application of those very principles, it has evolved towards a greater disparity between the votes the political organizations get and the number of seats assigned to them, which has driven the electors to cast their vote without knowing who would represent them. The National Assembly, in August 2009, sanctioned an organic law about election processes that will be applied for first time in September 2009 parliamentary elections, in which the election system, inforce since 1992, is changed substantially, stressing the tendency towards a marked disproportion between the votes got by the political organizations and the seats assigned to them, allowing the introduction of elements foreign to our political tradition, such as the "gerrymandering", and becoming more distant the relationship between the electors and their elected representatives. ; 127-154 ; rachadell.manuel@gmail.com ; semestral

Los sistemas electorales que dominan el panorama del Derecho Comparado van, con distintas modulaciones y caracteres, del sistema mayoritario al sistema proporcional. En este tiempo, es necesario adecuar los sistemas electorales, de acuerdo con las peculiaridades y singularidades de cada sociedad, a las reales preferencias de los electores. Los sistemas electorales deben diseñarse en función de la expresión de la voluntad popular del pueblo, no de los intereses de las oligarquías o direcciones de los partidos exclusivamente. ; The election systems that dominate the Comparative Law scene range, with different modulations and characteristics, from the majority system to the proportional system. At this time, it is necessary to adapt election systems, according to the peculiarities and specificities of each society, to real preferences of voters. Election systems should be designed in step with the expression of popular will and not with the interests of oligarchies or with the directions of the parties solely

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

The article tries to determine the real character of the primary elections, made by political parties or political conglomerates to nominate their candidates for popular elected political appointments, considering that, with the liberty that the Constitution guarantees them, those elections are a tool that political parties can use to fulfill their unique goals. For this purpose, the Constitutional Court is criticized for a sentence that considered this elections as popular elections, and highlights the way the constituent has refereed them through the Law Nº 20.414, and a decision of the Tribunal Calificador de Elecciones that is analysed, all which it contributes to clarify the real nature of the primary elections. ; El trabajo busca determinar el verdadero carácter de las elecciones primarias efectuadas por los partidos o conglomerados políticos para nominar a sus candidatos a cargos de elección popular, teniendo presente que, dentro de la libertad que les asegura la Carta, estas constituyen una herramienta que pueden emplear los partidos para cumplir con uno de sus fines propios. Al efecto se critica la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional que las consideró votaciones populares y se pone de relieve la forma en que el constituyente se ha referido a ellas a través de la ley 20.414 y lo decidido por fallo el Tribunal Calificador de Elecciones que se analiza, todo lo cual contribuye a aclarar la verdadera naturaleza de dichas elecciones.