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Many scholars and pundits believe that the 1964 presidential election between Barry Goldwater and Lyndon Johnson disrupted the New Deal order and ushered in a sixth party system anchored in part by race issues. But, curiously, the conventional wisdom has not fared well empirically. In this article, I employ disaggregated survey data and novel methodological tools to identify temporal patterns in the relationships between partisanship, New Deal issues and race issues. My conclusions are as follows: (1) the association between race issues and partisanship has switched signs in the South; (2) a racial axis of cleavage has opened up outside the South; (3) the New Deal issue axis has grown in the South; and (4) New Deal issues continue to cleave partisans outside the South.

Existing models of presidential approval fail to fully explain the psychology of presidential evaluation. Research on political candidates strongly suggests that character trait assessments should affect citizens' approval of the sitting president, but macro-level, longitudinal analyses generally lack appropriate measures of presidential character. A series of logistic regression models of individual-level presidential approval are estimated using National Election Studies (NES) data to address the impact or character assessments on presidential approval while controlling for economic evaluations and policy assessments. Presidential character trait assessments prove to be a significant and robust predictor of an individual's approval of the president. A final model, using a panel design, demonstrates that character assessments are causally prior to approval.

While the year 2000 was memorable for public administration in Australia it was notable mainly for the unexpected. Success occurred where risk and failure were predicted. Failure emerged where success had been talked‐up. Notable examples include the so‐called Y2K problem, management of the Olympic Games, the introduction of the GST, and the outsourcing of government services (especially Information Technology (IT)). Also memorable were important shifts in the policy fields of defence and welfare. The Howard government ended the year in decision‐making and largese mode—setting the agenda for the following election year. The events of 2000 invite reconsideration of the merits of the traditional bureaucratic model and those of the emerging post bureaucratic models of service provision.

In the first part the concept 'cordon sanitaire' is clarified and operationalized. In a next stage, the cordon in Flanders is reconstructed chronologically. Firstly, the introduction of a number of resolutions (1989, 1992 and 1997) is outlined. Secondly, the organizations Hand in Hand and Charta '91 's focus on the 1994 local elections is considered. There appears to be a lot of disagreement on the cordon's content as well as on the strategy itself. In the empirical part the persistence of the cordon at a local level is examined. The cities in which the cordon was not successful and the parties involved are discussed. Finally, characteristic aspects of the situation in which the cordon has not persisted at a local level are listed.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the social identity of a group of urban Afrikaans-speakingwhites. Variables such as their degree of political conservatism, political identity, and their attitudetowards the political changes in the country were investigated. The study was conducted approximatelythree years after the 1994 general election. Findings show that the majority of the sample hold predominantly negative attitudes towards the socio-political changes in the country, and perceive themselves to be politically rather conservative. They prefer a culturally based ethnic identity to a politically basedone. They perceive that there is more of a threat to their well-being as group members (i.e. safety, securityand discrimination) than to the survival of their group identity and language.

Both in theoretical frameworks & empirical applications, proximity model is most frequently used in its basic version. This version assumes symmetric utility with the same shape for all voters & perfect information. In this paper, I evaluate whether it is justifiable to use proximity model with such restrictive assumption, or if some generalized version of proximity model is more appropriate. Three different types of generalized proximity models are tested on Parliamentary Elections Survey Data from the Netherlands. Using multinomial logit estimation, the performances of generalized & basic proximity models are compared. The results show that only some of the generalized versions can outperform the basic version, & even in these cases the differences are relatively small. 10 Tables, 3 Figures, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Taiwan's financial institutions, like their counterparts in other East Asian countries in recent years, have been bogged down by bad loans, deteriorating asset quality, & mismanagement. Government efforts to reform the financial system are at best piecemeal. This paper analyzes the political, social, & economic context of Taiwan's local financial institutions, a body whose problems are symptomatic of the general banking sector in Taiwan. The paper finds that Taiwan's local financial institutions are deeply embedded in the Kuomintang (KMT)-centered political economy, & are thus not easily subject to large-scale reforms. The ascension to power by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) since the 2000 presidential elections should pave the way for more serious reforms. However, difficulties still abound. Adapted from the source document.

Jeffery Mondak argues that students of political knowledge have erred by not differentiating between "don't knows" (DKs) & incorrect answers to factual queries on surveys. He also contends that previous scholarship has failed to appreciate the impact of personality traits on knowledge scores when DKs & wrong answers are put into the same category. Data from the 1992-2000 National Election Studies (NES), however, show that not only do DKs & incorrect answers behave differently for well- & poorly known personalities, but also, multivariate models do not look different depending on the treatment of DKs & incorrect answers. Finally, the 1964 NES shows that personality traits affect knowledge scores regardless of how DKs & incorrect answers are coded. 4 Tables, 35 References. Adapted from the source document.

MN's Political Contribution Refund Program (PCRP) is one of the most innovative campaign finance reforms adopted by the states. This program refunds 100% of individual contributions up to 50 dollars to state candidates & political party organizations that agree to accept spending limits. MN's Democrat Farmer Labor Party hoped that the PCRP would broaden public participation in state elections by encouraging people to make modest contributions to the party or candidate of their choice. The authors find that Republican candidates of all types have become more reliant on small, individual contributions since the advent of the PCRP. The same is true of competitive candidates from both political parties. 2 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Aoki, A. L.; Nakanishi, D. T.: Asian Pacific Americans and the new minority politics. - S. 605-610. Lai, J. S.; Tam Cho, W. K.; Kim, T. P.; Takeda, O.: Asian-Pacific-American campaigns, elections, and elected officials. - S. 611-618. Geron, K.; Cruz, E. de la; Saito, L. T.; Singh, J.: Asian Pacific American's social movements and interest groups, S. 619-624. Pei-te Lien; Collet, C.; Wong, J.; Ramakrishnan, S. K.: Asian Pacific-American public opinion and political participation. - S. 625-630. Kim, C. J.; Lee, T.: Interracial politics: Asian American and other communities of color, S. 631-637. Watanabe, P. Y.: Global forces, foreign policy, and Asian Pacific Americans, S. 639-644