Suchergebnisse

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Krajem 8. stoljeća na prostoru današnje Hrvatske te Bosne i Hercegovine pojavljuju se prvi predmeti karolinške provenijencije. Njihova se zastupljenost sve više intenzivira u sljedećim desetljećima, a najzastupljeniji su nalazi oružja i ostalih elemenata ratničke opreme koji potječu mahom iz grobova. Pojedina se groblja i grobovi svojim bogatstvom i kontekstom ističu te predstavljaju primjer u pogrebnom obredu koji slijede i drugi lokaliteti. U ovome se radu proučava aktivna uloga koju su ti predmeti imali u pogrebnim obredima, ali i u definiranju društvenih odnosa uopće, u kontekstu borbe za vlast i konstrukcije identiteta lokalne elite u vrijeme formiranja prvih kneževina u dalmatinskome zaleđu i definiranja odnosa s Franačkim Carstvom. ; Towards the end of the 8th century the first artefacts of Carolingian provenance start to appear in the territories of present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their quantity becomes steadily greater in the following decades, with weapons and other elements of warrior equipment, found mostly in graves, prevailing in number. Certain cemeteries and graves, outstanding in their richness and context, were setting the example for burial rites which were then followed at other sites. In this paper the active role of these objects is considered, the role which they played in burial rites, and also in defining social relations in general, in a context of power struggle and the construction of the identity of the local elite in the time of formation of the first polities in the Dalmatian hinterland and of defining relations with the Frankish Empire

Polazeći od razlikovanja normativne i stvarne slike mjesne samouprave, najprije se analiziraju elementi lokalne zajednice, kao realnog supstrata mjesne i lokalne samouprave. Autor nalazi trinaest potrebnih karakteristika mjesnih odbora kao realnih društvenih zajednica. Uz normativnu regulaciju mjesne samouprave detaljnije se analiziraju različiti praktični elementi organizacije, funkcioniranja i financiranja mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj. Zaključuje se da pozicija i praksa mjesne samouprave nisu optimalne s gledišta demokratskih standarda, javnog upravljanja i pružanja javnih usluga građanima na njima najbližoj razini teritorijalne samouprave. ; Beginning with the difference between normative and real situation in local selfgovernment below municipal level in Croatia, the author analyses the elements of local community as a real substrate of both self-government below municipal level and local self-government. He has found thirteen necessary characteristics of territorial committees as real social communities. Along with normative regulation of self-government below municipal level, he has performed a more detailed analysis of different practical elements, such as organisation, functioning, and financing of self-government below municipal level in Croatia. It is concluded that the position and practice of this type of self-government is not optimal regarding democratic standards, public management, and the provision of public services to citizens at the level of territorial self-government closest to them.