What happens when those in charge of the elite make vulgarity their goal? In his new book, The Cult of Vulgarity, Theodore Dalrymple charts how the out-of-touch elite have been responsible for pushing a culture of vulgarity in both the print and broadcast media, acting on the mistakenimpression that they are giving the public what they want. He describes how vulgarity became a token of warm-heartedness, whilst advocating good taste made you seem cold. Using his years of experience of working as clinical psychiatrist in hospitals and in prisons, he shows the effect this subversion has had on the nation's well-being.
Caste Conflict and Elite Formation is a study in the social history of Sri Lanka. However, it does not merely document the remarkable successes in business enterprise and in the acquisition of Western-educated professional skills which were achieved by families from the Karava caste during the last two centuries; their advances, and the social and political struggles which accompanied this process, are employed as a window through which a survey of social change in Sri Lanka during the last four hundred years is conducted. The interest of the book extends beyond the many fascinating social incidents, historical trends and channels of elite formation that are described within its pages to a series of controlled comparisons which reveal the factors responsible for the formation of the Karava elite. Thus the book extends the methodological frontiers of the social history of the region. It emphasizes the significance of the patterns of caste discrimination and caste interaction in Sri Lankan politics, and reveals how these patterns were central to the incentives and opportunities which powered the advances of the Karava families
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Defence date: 23 March 2007 ; Examining board: Prof. John Hemery (Centre for Political and Diplomatic Studies, Oxford) ; Prof. Jacek Wasilewski (Warsaw School of Social Psychology) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers (European University Institute)(Supervisor) ; The aim of this study is to explore the process of diplomatic elite transformation in the post-communist countries within the context of political elite transformation and to analyse whether the process of circulation or reproduction prevailed among the diplomatic elites during the first decade and a half after the change of the political regime (1989-2004). I focus upon the entry-level diplomats to a greater degree than in the older works on political elite and diplomacy. The key to capturing the process of circulation/ reproduction among diplomatic elites is through analysis of the general characteristics of diplomats as well as the system of personnel selection. I argue that a better understanding of the transformation processes could be achieved by looking at people at the entry level into political elite, i.e., by looking at newcomers. The thesis is further set out to show how the historical, political and cultural legacy of the past and geographical realities shaped the emerging diplomatic elites. The analysis presented in the thesis is based on a survey that I conducted. Several conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of diplomats in 27 countries. The composition of the emerging diplomatic elite across countries shows some striking similarities and some striking differences. The areas of important similarities are education, social origins and channels of recruitment. The differences mainly occur in age, gender, recruitment channels, previous professional experience, type of residence and additional jobs performed. Particularly illuminating in this respect is the division of respondents by geographical criterion into the CEE/FSU countries. A more meticulous analysis shows that the revolutionary political transformations were not followed by a revolutionary transformation of elites, or of diplomatic elites in particular. There was a modest degree of circulation from the lower classes into the elite role (in particular, into the diplomatic elite), but it did not transcend the socially desirable and socially stabilising moderate level. It was certainly not a revolutionary degree of circulation into the diplomatic elite. Nor was there a full-scale reproduction of elites.
Technically a soc elite is a stratum of a pop occupying a position of superiority & influence. The superiority may rest on tradition, on special acquired skills & talents, & on a general body of skills & talents of all kinds. An elite is characterized by corporateness, exclusiveness, & always refers to a plurality of people. Its superiority must be of a very generalized kind extending beyond the mere possession of wealth or of educ, for example. In addition, the superior quality of elites must be imitable & worth imitating. It functions as a model & standard of what is proper & preferable in its society. Even specialized elites, as an elite of wealth, tends to set generalized standards, say, as regards moral, & pol'al beliefs. The imitableness may refer to these spill-over qualities rather than to the special quality giving origin tothe elite. A society may contain a number of elites. These may fall into a hierarchy. When they do not, their mutual rivalries & conflicting ideals may become a crucial problem. A gov class is not by itself the. pre-eiminent elite. Most interesting in the study of elites is their process of emergence. Elites tend to become rigid 4 thus, carry the seeds of their own decay. The cycle of transformation from growth to rigidity or from vitality to decay in a society may be studied indirectly through the study of elites. B. J. Keeley.
International audience ; This article considers the conflicts linking the social question to the social sciences in Germany around 1900 through the analysis of the student associations for social sciences (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Students did not seek an introduction to social sciences as academic scientific disciplines in particular, which remained loosely autonomous and suffered from heterogeneous definitions and uses. Much more, students looked for a scientific legitimacy for the resolution of the social question, a task that had to be tackled by the elite they felt destined to join. For a large part of university and political authorities, this interest for the social question could only mean socialism. Therefore, they repressed these associations, especially in Prussia, despite their certain attractivity. The history of these associations allows to understand the attempts to redefine the social role of elites as well as the institutionalisation of the social sciences, which turn out to be closely linked. ; Cet article revient sur les conflits qui lient question sociale et sciences sociales en Allemagne autour de 1900, en mettant au cœur de l'analyse les associations étudiantes de sciences sociales (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Ce ne sont pas tant les sciences sociales en tant que disciplines universitaires, faiblement autonomisées et aux définitions et usages encore hétérogènes, qui sont recherchées par les étudiants, qu'un cadre et une légitimité scientifiques au règlement de la question sociale, tâche à laquelle doit s'atteler l'élite qu'ils s'estiment destinés à rejoindre. Pour une large partie des autorités universitaires et politiques, cet investissement de la question sociale ne peut qu'être synonyme de socialisme et elles se sont attachées, surtout en Prusse, à réprimer ces associations, malgré leur certaine attractivité. Ces associations rendent en cela visibles les tentatives de redéfinition du rôle social des élites et l'institutionnalisation universitaire des sciences sociales, qui s'avèrent être étroitement liées.
International audience ; This article considers the conflicts linking the social question to the social sciences in Germany around 1900 through the analysis of the student associations for social sciences (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Students did not seek an introduction to social sciences as academic scientific disciplines in particular, which remained loosely autonomous and suffered from heterogeneous definitions and uses. Much more, students looked for a scientific legitimacy for the resolution of the social question, a task that had to be tackled by the elite they felt destined to join. For a large part of university and political authorities, this interest for the social question could only mean socialism. Therefore, they repressed these associations, especially in Prussia, despite their certain attractivity. The history of these associations allows to understand the attempts to redefine the social role of elites as well as the institutionalisation of the social sciences, which turn out to be closely linked. ; Cet article revient sur les conflits qui lient question sociale et sciences sociales en Allemagne autour de 1900, en mettant au cœur de l'analyse les associations étudiantes de sciences sociales (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Ce ne sont pas tant les sciences sociales en tant que disciplines universitaires, faiblement autonomisées et aux définitions et usages encore hétérogènes, qui sont recherchées par les étudiants, qu'un cadre et une légitimité scientifiques au règlement de la question sociale, tâche à laquelle doit s'atteler l'élite qu'ils s'estiment destinés à rejoindre. Pour une large partie des autorités universitaires et politiques, cet investissement de la question sociale ne peut qu'être synonyme de socialisme et elles se sont attachées, surtout en Prusse, à réprimer ces associations, malgré leur certaine attractivité. Ces associations rendent en cela visibles les tentatives de redéfinition du rôle social des élites et l'institutionnalisation universitaire des ...
International audience ; This article considers the conflicts linking the social question to the social sciences in Germany around 1900 through the analysis of the student associations for social sciences (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Students did not seek an introduction to social sciences as academic scientific disciplines in particular, which remained loosely autonomous and suffered from heterogeneous definitions and uses. Much more, students looked for a scientific legitimacy for the resolution of the social question, a task that had to be tackled by the elite they felt destined to join. For a large part of university and political authorities, this interest for the social question could only mean socialism. Therefore, they repressed these associations, especially in Prussia, despite their certain attractivity. The history of these associations allows to understand the attempts to redefine the social role of elites as well as the institutionalisation of the social sciences, which turn out to be closely linked. ; Cet article revient sur les conflits qui lient question sociale et sciences sociales en Allemagne autour de 1900, en mettant au cœur de l'analyse les associations étudiantes de sciences sociales (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studentenvereine). Ce ne sont pas tant les sciences sociales en tant que disciplines universitaires, faiblement autonomisées et aux définitions et usages encore hétérogènes, qui sont recherchées par les étudiants, qu'un cadre et une légitimité scientifiques au règlement de la question sociale, tâche à laquelle doit s'atteler l'élite qu'ils s'estiment destinés à rejoindre. Pour une large partie des autorités universitaires et politiques, cet investissement de la question sociale ne peut qu'être synonyme de socialisme et elles se sont attachées, surtout en Prusse, à réprimer ces associations, malgré leur certaine attractivité. Ces associations rendent en cela visibles les tentatives de redéfinition du rôle social des élites et l'institutionnalisation universitaire des ...
